Diane Urquhart – författare

The Irish Women's History Reader is an exciting collection of essays revealing the tremendous diversity of women's experiences in Ireland's past. For the first time this unique book draws together key articles published in the fields of Irish women's history and women's studies over the past two decades, including contributions from Ireland, North and South, England, USA, Canada and Australia.The Irish Women's History Reader explores the lives of ordinary Irish women since 1800, looking at the key themes of:* historiography and the development of, and writing of, women's history in Ireland* politics and the variety of political activities undertaken by women including suffrage, nationalism and unionism* health and sexuality revealing hidden histories of sexual activity, mental illness and attempts to control fertility* religion and the experiences of catholic nuns, protestant evangelicals and salvationists* emigration and the pattern of female migration to USA, Britain and Australia* work including both paid and unpaid employ inside and outside the home.

The Irish Women's History Reader is an exciting collection of essays revealing the tremendous diversity of women's experiences in Ireland's past. For the first time this unique book draws together key articles published in the fields of Irish women's history and women's studies over the past two decades, including contributions from Ireland, North and South, England, USA, Canada and Australia.The Irish Women's History Reader explores the lives of ordinary Irish women since 1800, looking at the key themes of:* historiography and the development of, and writing of, women's history in Ireland* politics and the variety of political activities undertaken by women including suffrage, nationalism and unionism* health and sexuality revealing hidden histories of sexual activity, mental illness and attempts to control fertility* religion and the experiences of catholic nuns, protestant evangelicals and salvationists* emigration and the pattern of female migration to USA, Britain and Australia* work including both paid and unpaid employ inside and outside the home.

Against a backdrop of increasing democracy and the associated process of aristocratic decline, this book examines the political influence of the leading Tory hostesses, the Marchionesses of Londonderry. Over one hundred and fifty years, from 1800-1959, these women were patrons and confidantes to key political figures such as Disraeli, Bonar Law, Edward Carson and Ramsay MacDonald. By the late 19th century upper-class women were at the height of their prowess, exerting political sway by private means whilst exploiting more public avenues of political work: canvassing, addressing meetings and leading the new associations established in an attempt to educate a mass electorate. At that time this hybrid of private and public aristocratic politicking aroused little criticism but, by the interwar period, the hold that the 7th Marchioness of Londonderry, Edith Vane-Tempest-Stewart, allegedly had over MacDonald prompted widespread criticism of her role as the 'Mother' of the National Government.The lives of these vibrant and fascinating women have long been overlooked in histories of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, as well as in studies of conservatism, unionism or the aristocracy. Despite their social and political importance, few of their contemporaries acknowledged their influence, partly because of the indirect way that aristocratic women exerted political power, and their place in society was essentially defined by their male relatives. The Ladies of Londonderry offers the first examination of the poweful political hostesses of the Anglo-Irish establishment and sheds considerable light on the workings of 19th and 20th-century politics.

This is the first history of Irish divorce. Spanning the island of Ireland over three centuries, it places the human experience of marriage breakdown centre stage to explore the impact of a highly restrictive and gendered law and its reform. It considers the accessibility of Irish divorce as it moved from a parliamentary process in Westminster, the Irish parliament and the Northern Ireland parliament to a court-based process. This socio-legal approach allows changing definitions of gendered marital roles and marital cruelty to be assessed. In charting the exceptionalism of Ireland's divorce provision in a European and imperial framework, the study uncovers governmental reluctance to reform Irish divorce law which spans jurisdictions and centuries. This was therefore not only a law dictated by religious strictures but also by a long-lived moral conservatism.

This is the first history of Irish divorce. Spanning the island of Ireland over three centuries, it places the human experience of marriage breakdown centre stage to explore the impact of a highly restrictive and gendered law and its reform. It considers the accessibility of Irish divorce as it moved from a parliamentary process in Westminster, the Irish parliament and the Northern Ireland parliament to a court-based process. This socio-legal approach allows changing definitions of gendered marital roles and marital cruelty to be assessed. In charting the exceptionalism of Ireland''s divorce provision in a European and imperial framework, the study uncovers governmental reluctance to reform Irish divorce law which spans jurisdictions and centuries. This was therefore not only a law dictated by religious strictures but also by a long-lived moral conservatism.

This is the first history of Irish divorce. Spanning the island of Ireland over three centuries, it places the human experience of marriage breakdown centre stage to explore the impact of a highly restrictive and gendered law and its reform. It considers the accessibility of Irish divorce as it moved from a parliamentary process in Westminster, the Irish parliament and the Northern Ireland parliament to a court-based process. This socio-legal approach allows changing definitions of gendered marital roles and marital cruelty to be assessed. In charting the exceptionalism of Ireland''s divorce provision in a European and imperial framework, the study uncovers governmental reluctance to reform Irish divorce law which spans jurisdictions and centuries. This was therefore not only a law dictated by religious strictures but also by a long-lived moral conservatism.

This is the first history of Irish divorce. Spanning the island of Ireland over three centuries, it places the human experience of marriage breakdown centre stage to explore the impact of a highly restrictive and gendered law and its reform. It considers the accessibility of Irish divorce as it moved from a parliamentary process in Westminster, the Irish parliament and the Northern Ireland parliament to a court-based process. This socio-legal approach allows changing definitions of gendered marital roles and marital cruelty to be assessed. In charting the exceptionalism of Ireland's divorce provision in a European and imperial framework, the study uncovers governmental reluctance to reform Irish divorce law which spans jurisdictions and centuries. This was therefore not only a law dictated by religious strictures but also by a long-lived moral conservatism.

Against a backdrop of increasing democratic freedom and the associated process of aristocratic decline, this book examines the political influence of the leading Tory hostesses, the Marchionesses of Londonderry. Over one hundred and fifty years, from 1800-1959, these women were patrons and confidantes to key political figures such as Disraeli, Bonar Law, Edward Carson and Ramsay MacDonald. By the late nineteenth century upper-class women were at the height of their prowess, exerting political sway by private means whilst exploiting more public avenues of political work: canvassing, addressing meetings and leading the new associations established in an attempt to educate a mass electorate. At that time this hybrid of private and public aristocratic politicking aroused little criticism but, by the interwar period, the alleged hold that the 7th Marchioness of Londonderry, Edith Vane-Tempest-Stewart, had over MacDonald prompted widespread criticism of her role as the 'Mother' of the National Government.The Ladies of Londonderry offers the first examination of the powerful political hostesses of the Anglo-Irish establishment and sheds considerable light on the workings of nineteenth- and twentieth-century politics.

Against a backdrop of increasing democracy and the associated process of aristocratic decline, this book examines the political influence of the leading Tory hostesses, the Marchionesses of Londonderry. Over one hundred and fifty years, from 1800-1959, these women were patrons and confidantes to key political figures such as Disraeli, Bonar Law, Edward Carson and Ramsay MacDonald. By the late 19th century upper-class women were at the height of their prowess, exerting political sway by private means whilst exploiting more public avenues of political work: canvassing, addressing meetings and leading the new associations established in an attempt to educate a mass electorate. At that time this hybrid of private and public aristocratic politicking aroused little criticism but, by the interwar period, the hold that the 7th Marchioness of Londonderry, Edith Vane-Tempest-Stewart, allegedly had over MacDonald prompted widespread criticism of her role as the 'Mother' of the National Government."The Ladies of Londonderry" offers the first examination of the powerful political hostesses of the Anglo-Irish establishment and sheds considerable light on the workings of 19th and 20th-century politics.

This book reframes the Irish abortion narrative within the history of women’s reproductive health and explores the similarities and differences that shaped the history of abortion within the two states on the island of Ireland. Since the legalisation of abortion in Britain in 1967, an estimated 200,000 women have travelled from Ireland to England for an abortion. However, this abortion trail is at least a century old and began with women migrating to Britain to flee moral intolerance in Ireland towards unmarried mothers and their offspring. This study highlights how attitudes to unmarried motherhood reflected a broader cultural acceptance that morality should trump concerns regarding maternal health. This rationale bled into social and political responses to birth control and abortion and was underpinned by an acknowledgement that in prioritising morality some women would die.