This pioneering study argues that the bitter civil war that thrust Zimbabwe into international headlines from 1966 to 1979 had its roots in the reports issued by the colonial commissions of inquiry into education. As the author explains in his introduction, these commissions and the reports they issued, which reinforced separate educational systems for African and white students, reached far beyond educational policy in their effects. Basing his work on original documents and materials which have not appeared in print before--most of which were only recently declassified by the government of Zimbabwe--the author shows the profound influence these reports had on government policy, on government control of opportunity in general, and on the relationships between and among institutions within the country.Following an introductory overview, Mungazi turns to a discussion of the specific issues which the commissions were appointed to investigate. Separate chapters are then devoted to the circumstances surrounding the naming of commissions, their findings and recommendations, and the implications of implementing their recommendations on the character of colonial society itself. This chronological treatment enables the author to focus particularly on how the recommendations of the commissions constituted a sequence of developments that led inevitably to conflict. The final chapter draws some conclusions regarding the social environment that produced a major national conflict and discusses what might be learned from the tragic events that took place in Zimbabwe from 1966 to 1979.

Although colonialism has officially been terminated, it continues to affect populations whose recent history has been shaped by European institutions, economic policies, and cultural biases. Focusing on British educational policy in colonial Zimbabwe, this historical study offers a unique perspective on the subject. It provides a detailed examination of a British educational program for Africans established in the 1930s, the purposes it was intended to serve, and its long-term consequences.A policy of practical training and tribal conditioning was designed and implemented by George Stark, Director of Native Education in colonial Zimbabwe from 1934 to 1954. Expressing the philosophy and goals of both Stark and the British colonial government, its stated purposes were to develop a vast pool of cheap unskilled manual labor and to confine the African population to tribal settings. Dickson Mungazi discusses the policy as at once a reflection of traditional Victorian socio-cultural attitudes and the means to maintain a colonial status quo that allowed the profitable exploitation of the colony's material and human resources. The author examines the consequent educational and economic disabilities suffered by the African population and the impact of their long exclusion from an effective role in the affairs of their country. This study is based on research utilizing extensive original materials from the period, including reports and official colonial government documents. It will be of interest in the areas of African history, colonialism, British social and political history, and the history of education.

This study is an integrated approach to how the problems of education are related to those of national development in Africa, Japan, the United States, and the former Soviet Union. These four were selected because Africa represents the Third World; Japan the emerging powers, the United States, Western democracy, and the Soviet Union the socialist world. The study is based on the assumption that a detailed study of these four countries will help to establish the relationship that exists between the problems of education and those of national development.Nations are facing problems in their struggle for development because they are unable to resolve problems of education. While socialist nations seem to focus on the development of the state as a condition of seeking the development of the individual, Western nations seek the development of the individual as a condition of national development. That both systems are experiencing serious problems in both education and national development suggests that there must be a reexamination of policy strategies. This book will be of interest to political scientists and students of comparative education.

The purpose of this book is to discuss some critical components of Albert Shanker's work in American education, first as a teacher, then as president of the AFT. This is done in the context of the developments that took place in the United States since 1902 and the formation of the AFT in 1916. It focuses on the elements of leadership that were critical to the development of the United States from that time to the present. It presents these developments in the context of Shanker's involvement since 1964. It also focuses on the dynamics of human relations cast in institutional settings. In doing so it presents features of a nation as it struggled with economic, social, and political issues that make society what it is. This discussion is done as a reflection of the need to strengthen democracy. The relations that Shanker has had with other people and organizations forms a critical component of the study.

The violent colonization of Africa by European nations toward the end of the 19th century—a colonization justified by theories about the African Mind promulgated in the Age of Reason—had a profound impact upon the mind of Black Africa. After World War II, the mind of Black Africa rebelled; this rebellion led to a struggle for the self. After Africans achieved political independence, the new African leaders betrayed their own people. Africans now have the responsibility of restoring and reaffirming their true inheritance—the mind of Black Africa.

The violent colonization of Africa by European nations toward the end of the 19th century—a colonization justified by theories about the African Mind promulgated in the Age of Reason—had a profound impact upon the mind of Black Africa. After World War II, the mind of Black Africa rebelled; this rebellion led to a struggle for the self. After Africans achieved political independence, the new African leaders betrayed their own people. Africans now have the responsibility of restoring and reaffirming their true inheritance—the mind of Black Africa.

The political, social, and economic problems of southern Africa cannot be resolved until nations of this critical region effect educational reform. But this process requires more than change in the educational system; it involves the thrust for social transformation in national institutions. This unique study addresses key issues relative to both educational reform and social change in southern Africa. Topics discussed include the need for educational reform; approaches to educational reform; and the results of such reform on the individual and society. A bibliography and an index complete the text.

When the Afrikaners (Boers) migrated northward from the Cape to escape British rule, they enountered the Zulu people. To protect their claims, the Boers formed the laager, a circle of wagons. As years passed, the laager acquired wider political dimensions and became a symbol of Afrikaner determination to survive under hostile conditions. Ian D. Smith, last colonial leader of Zimbabwe from 1964 to 1979, and F. W. de Klerk, the last white president of South Africa from 1988 to 1994, were the last defenders of the laager on the African continent. Rising nationalism and the devastation of civil war would eventually force these leaders to abandon the colonial systems that they had inherited from their predecessors.The study details the origins and development of the laager system in Africa. It discusses how and why previously successful tactics to maintain the system would fail amidst the rising African nationalism of the late 20th century. The focus of each of the eight chapters alternates between Smith and de Klerk and examines the efforts of each to overcome unanticipated challenges.

There is no better way to understand a society's assessment of its own success or failure than an examination of its theories of education, because any attempt to improve national performance will be reflected in educational policy. This study is a comprehensive account of the evolution of American educational theory from the colonial period to the present. It includes a broad discussion of the foundations upon which early Americans built their educational policy, as well as influential factors unique to the American experience. From the Revolution to nineteenth century reform efforts to the turbulent twentieth century, educational theory has been adapted to suit the needs of an ever-changing, multicultural society.Throughout U.S. history key objectives have affected the character of education, particularly curriculum. One main thrust for reform has been the belief that equality in education serves the national interest. Examination of the historical attitudes toward the education of African Americans provides a valuable insight into this process. Today America is experiencing significant difficulties in making its educational system succeed, and the negative social effects of this deterioration are already apparent. The future success of educational theory lies in international cooperative efforts.

A study of the clash of two traditions, British liberalism and African nationalism, and an examination of how Michael Blundell in Kenya and Garfield Todd in Zimbabwe used their liberal backgrounds to further the future of their adopted countries, despite threats and detention. Both Blundell and Todd believed that political leaders had a responsibility to serve the needs of the people as a condition of national development. By the time each came to power, European colonization had had a profoundly negative effect on the lives of Africans; Blundell and Todd sought to correct this by putting their positive views of Africans into practice.While colonial governments designed strategies for controlling Africans to serve political and economic interests at home in Europe, Africans themselves established their own effective strategy, not only to ensure their survival in the colonial setting, but also to initiate a process for the restoration of their sense of self. Michael Blundell and Garfield Todd, with their liberal beliefs, served as excellent allies in this period of a rising African consciousness. Using sources obtained in Kenya and Zimbabwe over the past 15 years, this work examines democratic traditions that have survived tumultuous times in recent years.

The height of colonial rule on the African continent saw two prominent religious leaders step to the fore: Desmond Tutu in South Africa, and Abel Muzorewa in Zimbabwe. Both Tutu and Muzorewa believed that Africans could govern their own nations responsibly and effectively if only they were given the opportunity. In expressing their religious views about the need for social justice each man borrowed from national traditions that had shaped policy of earlier church leaders. Tutu and Muzorewa argued that the political development of Africans was essential to the security of the white settlers and that whites should seek the promotion of political development of Africans as a condition of that future security.Desmond Tutu and Abel Muzorewa were both motivated by strong religious principles. They disregarded the possible personal repercussions that they might suffer as a result of their efforts to alter the fundamental bases of their colonial governments. Each man hoped to create a new national climate in which blacks and whites could cooperate to build a new nation. Each played a part in eventual independence for Zimbabwe in 1980 and for South Africa in 1994. Mungazi's examination of their efforts reveals how individuals with strong convictions can make a difference in shaping the future of their nations.

The African American struggle for advancement since the late 19th century has had an enormous impact on American society in general. This examination of African American development looks at group progress in four critical areas of national life: economic, political, educational, and social. Determined to forge a new identity based upon principles of equality, African American leadership and the liberal whites who supported them have achieved many goals in their attempts to forge a new role for African Americans in the political development of the nation. Mungazi includes discussion of important watershed events and key individuals who helped to redefine our nation's history.A determined leadership contributed greatly to many victories. Such leaders sought assistance from the United States Supreme Court as one means to improve the plight of African Americans. Mungazi considers the Court's rulings on the question of race and the impact that these decisions have had on subsequent political and economic advancement. While African American advocates risked, in some cases, their very lives for their efforts, their commitment to the cause left them unwilling to compromise their basic operational principles and beliefs. Lingering racial prejudice and recent attacks on affirmative action have damaged interracial cooperation in many areas of the country; however, the struggle to reach the Promised Land continues.

This pioneering study argues that the bitter civil war that thrust Zimbabwe into international headlines from 1966 to 1979 had its roots in the reports issued by the colonial commissions of inquiry into education. As the author explains in his introduction, these commissions and the reports they issued, which reinforced separate educational systems for African and white students, reached far beyond educational policy in their effects. Basing his work on original documents and materials which have not appeared in print before--most of which were only recently declassified by the government of Zimbabwe--the author shows the profound influence these reports had on government policy, on government control of opportunity in general, and on the relationships between and among institutions within the country.Following an introductory overview, Mungazi turns to a discussion of the specific issues which the commissions were appointed to investigate. Separate chapters are then devoted to the circumstances surrounding the naming of commissions, their findings and recommendations, and the implications of implementing their recommendations on the character of colonial society itself. This chronological treatment enables the author to focus particularly on how the recommendations of the commissions constituted a sequence of developments that led inevitably to conflict. The final chapter draws some conclusions regarding the social environment that produced a major national conflict and discusses what might be learned from the tragic events that took place in Zimbabwe from 1966 to 1979.

Although colonialism has officially been terminated, it continues to affect populations whose recent history has been shaped by European institutions, economic policies, and cultural biases. Focusing on British educational policy in colonial Zimbabwe, this historical study offers a unique perspective on the subject. It provides a detailed examination of a British educational program for Africans established in the 1930s, the purposes it was intended to serve, and its long-term consequences.A policy of practical training and tribal conditioning was designed and implemented by George Stark, Director of Native Education in colonial Zimbabwe from 1934 to 1954. Expressing the philosophy and goals of both Stark and the British colonial government, its stated purposes were to develop a vast pool of cheap unskilled manual labor and to confine the African population to tribal settings. Dickson Mungazi discusses the policy as at once a reflection of traditional Victorian socio-cultural attitudes and the means to maintain a colonial status quo that allowed the profitable exploitation of the colony's material and human resources. The author examines the consequent educational and economic disabilities suffered by the African population and the impact of their long exclusion from an effective role in the affairs of their country. This study is based on research utilizing extensive original materials from the period, including reports and official colonial government documents. It will be of interest in the areas of African history, colonialism, British social and political history, and the history of education.

This study is an integrated approach to how the problems of education are related to those of national development in Africa, Japan, the United States, and the former Soviet Union. These four were selected because Africa represents the Third World; Japan the emerging powers, the United States, Western democracy, and the Soviet Union the socialist world. The study is based on the assumption that a detailed study of these four countries will help to establish the relationship that exists between the problems of education and those of national development.Nations are facing problems in their struggle for development because they are unable to resolve problems of education. While socialist nations seem to focus on the development of the state as a condition of seeking the development of the individual, Western nations seek the development of the individual as a condition of national development. That both systems are experiencing serious problems in both education and national development suggests that there must be a reexamination of policy strategies. This book will be of interest to political scientists and students of comparative education.

The purpose of this book is to discuss some critical components of Albert Shanker's work in American education, first as a teacher, then as president of the AFT. This is done in the context of the developments that took place in the United States since 1902 and the formation of the AFT in 1916. It focuses on the elements of leadership that were critical to the development of the United States from that time to the present. It presents these developments in the context of Shanker's involvement since 1964. It also focuses on the dynamics of human relations cast in institutional settings. In doing so it presents features of a nation as it struggled with economic, social, and political issues that make society what it is. This discussion is done as a reflection of the need to strengthen democracy. The relations that Shanker has had with other people and organizations forms a critical component of the study.

The violent colonization of Africa by European nations toward the end of the 19th century—a colonization justified by theories about the African Mind promulgated in the Age of Reason—had a profound impact upon the mind of Black Africa. After World War II, the mind of Black Africa rebelled; this rebellion led to a struggle for the self. After Africans achieved political independence, the new African leaders betrayed their own people. Africans now have the responsibility of restoring and reaffirming their true inheritance—the mind of Black Africa.

The violent colonization of Africa by European nations toward the end of the 19th century—a colonization justified by theories about the African Mind promulgated in the Age of Reason—had a profound impact upon the mind of Black Africa. After World War II, the mind of Black Africa rebelled; this rebellion led to a struggle for the self. After Africans achieved political independence, the new African leaders betrayed their own people. Africans now have the responsibility of restoring and reaffirming their true inheritance—the mind of Black Africa.

The political, social, and economic problems of southern Africa cannot be resolved until nations of this critical region effect educational reform. But this process requires more than change in the educational system; it involves the thrust for social transformation in national institutions. This unique study addresses key issues relative to both educational reform and social change in southern Africa. Topics discussed include the need for educational reform; approaches to educational reform; and the results of such reform on the individual and society. A bibliography and an index complete the text.

When the Afrikaners (Boers) migrated northward from the Cape to escape British rule, they enountered the Zulu people. To protect their claims, the Boers formed the laager, a circle of wagons. As years passed, the laager acquired wider political dimensions and became a symbol of Afrikaner determination to survive under hostile conditions. Ian D. Smith, last colonial leader of Zimbabwe from 1964 to 1979, and F. W. de Klerk, the last white president of South Africa from 1988 to 1994, were the last defenders of the laager on the African continent. Rising nationalism and the devastation of civil war would eventually force these leaders to abandon the colonial systems that they had inherited from their predecessors.The study details the origins and development of the laager system in Africa. It discusses how and why previously successful tactics to maintain the system would fail amidst the rising African nationalism of the late 20th century. The focus of each of the eight chapters alternates between Smith and de Klerk and examines the efforts of each to overcome unanticipated challenges.

There is no better way to understand a society's assessment of its own success or failure than an examination of its theories of education, because any attempt to improve national performance will be reflected in educational policy. This study is a comprehensive account of the evolution of American educational theory from the colonial period to the present. It includes a broad discussion of the foundations upon which early Americans built their educational policy, as well as influential factors unique to the American experience. From the Revolution to nineteenth century reform efforts to the turbulent twentieth century, educational theory has been adapted to suit the needs of an ever-changing, multicultural society.Throughout U.S. history key objectives have affected the character of education, particularly curriculum. One main thrust for reform has been the belief that equality in education serves the national interest. Examination of the historical attitudes toward the education of African Americans provides a valuable insight into this process. Today America is experiencing significant difficulties in making its educational system succeed, and the negative social effects of this deterioration are already apparent. The future success of educational theory lies in international cooperative efforts.

A study of the clash of two traditions, British liberalism and African nationalism, and an examination of how Michael Blundell in Kenya and Garfield Todd in Zimbabwe used their liberal backgrounds to further the future of their adopted countries, despite threats and detention. Both Blundell and Todd believed that political leaders had a responsibility to serve the needs of the people as a condition of national development. By the time each came to power, European colonization had had a profoundly negative effect on the lives of Africans; Blundell and Todd sought to correct this by putting their positive views of Africans into practice.While colonial governments designed strategies for controlling Africans to serve political and economic interests at home in Europe, Africans themselves established their own effective strategy, not only to ensure their survival in the colonial setting, but also to initiate a process for the restoration of their sense of self. Michael Blundell and Garfield Todd, with their liberal beliefs, served as excellent allies in this period of a rising African consciousness. Using sources obtained in Kenya and Zimbabwe over the past 15 years, this work examines democratic traditions that have survived tumultuous times in recent years.

The height of colonial rule on the African continent saw two prominent religious leaders step to the fore: Desmond Tutu in South Africa, and Abel Muzorewa in Zimbabwe. Both Tutu and Muzorewa believed that Africans could govern their own nations responsibly and effectively if only they were given the opportunity. In expressing their religious views about the need for social justice each man borrowed from national traditions that had shaped policy of earlier church leaders. Tutu and Muzorewa argued that the political development of Africans was essential to the security of the white settlers and that whites should seek the promotion of political development of Africans as a condition of that future security.Desmond Tutu and Abel Muzorewa were both motivated by strong religious principles. They disregarded the possible personal repercussions that they might suffer as a result of their efforts to alter the fundamental bases of their colonial governments. Each man hoped to create a new national climate in which blacks and whites could cooperate to build a new nation. Each played a part in eventual independence for Zimbabwe in 1980 and for South Africa in 1994. Mungazi's examination of their efforts reveals how individuals with strong convictions can make a difference in shaping the future of their nations.

The African American struggle for advancement since the late 19th century has had an enormous impact on American society in general. This examination of African American development looks at group progress in four critical areas of national life: economic, political, educational, and social. Determined to forge a new identity based upon principles of equality, African American leadership and the liberal whites who supported them have achieved many goals in their attempts to forge a new role for African Americans in the political development of the nation. Mungazi includes discussion of important watershed events and key individuals who helped to redefine our nation's history.A determined leadership contributed greatly to many victories. Such leaders sought assistance from the United States Supreme Court as one means to improve the plight of African Americans. Mungazi considers the Court's rulings on the question of race and the impact that these decisions have had on subsequent political and economic advancement. While African American advocates risked, in some cases, their very lives for their efforts, their commitment to the cause left them unwilling to compromise their basic operational principles and beliefs. Lingering racial prejudice and recent attacks on affirmative action have damaged interracial cooperation in many areas of the country; however, the struggle to reach the Promised Land continues.