Donald E Weatherbee – författare

The central problem of international politics in Southeast Asia since December 1978 has been the Vietnamese armed presence in Kampuchea. The noncommunist nations of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have insisted that Vietnam withdraw from Kampuchea; the Vietnamese, perceiving a threat from the PRC and an ASEAN-sponsored Khmer resistance, maintain that the situation is irreversible. The contributors discuss the conflict from the point of view of all parties involved (ASEAN, Vietnam, the PRC, the USSR, and the U.S.) and assess various strategies for its resolution.

Southeast Asia consists of the countries of Brunei, Burma, Cambodia, East Timor, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. Historically, U.S. policy and diplomacy with Southeast Asia is defined by U.S. interests in the region, whether it''s maintaining free lanes of communication through the South China Sea, gaining access to the resources and markets of Southeast Asia, or containing the spread of Communism. Since World War II, the U.S. has constantly been involved in conflicts in the region: providing material and financial support for France during the First Indochina War, direct involvement in the Vietnam War, providing support to Thailand during the Third Indochina War, and the declaration that Southeast Asia is the second-front in the war on terror after September 11.The Historical Dictionary of United States-Southeast Asia Relations identifies the key issues, individuals, and events in the history of U.S.-Southeast Asia relations and places them in the context of the complex and dynamic regional strategic, political, and economic processes that have fashioned the American role in Southeast Asia. This is done through a chronology, a bibliography, an introductory essay, appendixes, and several hundred cross-referenced dictionary entries on key persons, places, events, institutions, and organizations.

Southeast Asia consists of the countries of Brunei, Burma, Cambodia, East Timor, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. Historically, U.S. policy and diplomacy with Southeast Asia is defined by U.S. interests in the region, whether it's maintaining free lanes of communication through the South China Sea, gaining access to the resources and markets of Southeast Asia, or containing the spread of Communism. Since World War II, the U.S. has constantly been involved in conflicts in the region: providing material and financial support for France during the First Indochina War, direct involvement in the Vietnam War, providing support to Thailand during the Third Indochina War, and the declaration that Southeast Asia is the second-front in the war on terror after September 11.The A to Z of United States-Southeast Asia Relations identifies the key issues, individuals, and events in the history of U.S.-Southeast Asia relations and places them in the context of the complex and dynamic regional strategic, political, and economic processes that have fashioned the American role in Southeast Asia. This is done through a chronology, a bibliography, an introductory essay, appendixes, and several hundred cross-referenced dictionary entries on key persons, places, events, institutions, and organizations.

The central problem of international politics in Southeast Asia since December 1978 has been the Vietnamese armed presence in Kampuchea. The noncommunist nations of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have insisted that Vietnam withdraw from Kampuchea; the Vietnamese, perceiving a threat from the PRC and an ASEAN-sponsored Khmer resistance, maintain that the situation is irreversible. The contributors discuss the conflict from the point of view of all parties involved (ASEAN, Vietnam, the PRC, the USSR, and the U.S.) and assess various strategies for its resolution.

The central problem of international politics in Southeast Asia since December 1978 has been the Vietnamese armed presence in Kampuchea. The noncommunist nations of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have insisted that Vietnam withdraw from Kampuchea; the Vietnamese, perceiving a threat from the PRC and an ASEAN-sponsored Khmer resistance, maintain that the situation is irreversible. The contributors discuss the conflict from the point of view of all parties involved (ASEAN, Vietnam, the PRC, the USSR, and the U.S.) and assess various strategies for its resolution.

This fully revised and updated edition of Donald E. Weatherbee’s widely praised text offers a clear and comprehensive introduction to international relations in contemporary Southeast Asia. The author analyzes the efforts of the Southeast Asian states to adapt collectively through the ASEAN Community-building process to the challenges of traditional intraregional security issues, the requirements of the international economy, and the political demands of nontraditional issues such as democracy, human rights, and environmental degradation. Weatherbee warns that autonomy, expressed in the claim to the ASEAN Community’s “centrality” to Asia, could be threatened by the strategic impact of China’s rise and America’s recommitment to regional strategic balance. An invaluable guide to the region, this thoughtful and lucid work will be an essential text for courses on Southeast Asia and on the international relations of the Asia-Pacific.

This fully revised and updated edition of Donald E. Weatherbee’s widely praised text offers a clear and comprehensive introduction to international relations in contemporary Southeast Asia. The author analyzes the efforts of the Southeast Asian states to adapt collectively through the ASEAN Community-building process to the challenges of traditional intraregional security issues, the requirements of the international economy, and the political demands of nontraditional issues such as democracy, human rights, and environmental degradation. Weatherbee warns that autonomy, expressed in the claim to the ASEAN Community’s “centrality” to Asia, could be threatened by the strategic impact of China’s rise and America’s recommitment to regional strategic balance. An invaluable guide to the region, this thoughtful and lucid work will be an essential text for courses on Southeast Asia and on the international relations of the Asia-Pacific.

This authoritative book provides a comprehensive political history of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the ten members of which are Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. Leading scholar Donald E. Weatherbee follows ASEAN from its inception in 1967, when it was founded with the goal of promoting peace, stability, security, and economic growth in the region. Throughout, a basic assumption of its leaders has been that the achievement of the first three conditions is necessary for the fourth. Weatherbee traces ASEAN’s three reinventions: in 1976, it made security a primary Cold War interest; in 1992, it refocused on economic integration; in 2007, it adopted the ASEAN Charter, which was the legal basis for the establishment of the ASEAN Community in 2015. He shows how at each stage of its development, ASEAN has dealt at three levels of action: the regional international order; intra-ASEAN relations; and the spillover of the domestic politics of member states into regional relations, particularly on questions of democracy and human rights. ASEAN’s greatest contemporary political challenge is in adapting to the regional impact of the US–China rivalry, particularly over South China Sea issues. For ASEAN to maintain its claim to centrality as a driving force in the regional security architecture, the author argues, a fourth reinvention may be required. Dispelling the myths surrounding the organization’s achievements fifty years after its founding, this book will be invaluable for all readers interested in ASEAN’s role in the broader Asia-Pacific region.

This authoritative book provides a comprehensive political history of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the ten members of which are Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. Leading scholar Donald E. Weatherbee follows ASEAN from its inception in 1967, when it was founded with the goal of promoting peace, stability, security, and economic growth in the region. Throughout, a basic assumption of its leaders has been that the achievement of the first three conditions is necessary for the fourth. Weatherbee traces ASEAN’s three reinventions: in 1976, it made security a primary Cold War interest; in 1992, it refocused on economic integration; in 2007, it adopted the ASEAN Charter, which was the legal basis for the establishment of the ASEAN Community in 2015. He shows how at each stage of its development, ASEAN has dealt at three levels of action: the regional international order; intra-ASEAN relations; and the spillover of the domestic politics of member states into regional relations, particularly on questions of democracy and human rights. ASEAN’s greatest contemporary political challenge is in adapting to the regional impact of the US–China rivalry, particularly over South China Sea issues. For ASEAN to maintain its claim to centrality as a driving force in the regional security architecture, the author argues, a fourth reinvention may be required. Dispelling the myths surrounding the organization’s achievements fifty years after its founding, this book will be invaluable for all readers interested in ASEAN’s role in the broader Asia-Pacific region.

The argument here is that, although Indonesia would appear to be the natural leader in Southeast Asia, it has been singularly unsuccessful in putting its stamp on ASEAN. If anything, ASEAN has been put on Indonesia’s bebas dan aktif (independent and active) foreign policy stamp through Indonesia’s deference to self-constructed obligations to ASEAN solidarity and consensus. ASEAN’s political incoherence on regional security matters suggests that, for Indonesia, strategic independence from the immobilism of ASEAN decision making would put bebas dan aktif back into play in pursuit of Indonesian national security interests.