Everisto Benyera – författare

This book argues that the fourth industrial revolution, the process of accelerated automation of traditional manufacturing and industrial practices via digital technology, will serve to further marginalise Africa within the international community. In this book, the author argues that the looting of Africa that started with human capital and then natural resources, now continues unabated via data and digital resources looting. Developing on the notion of "Coloniality of Data", the fourth industrial revolution is postulated as the final phase which will conclude Africa’s peregrination towards recolonisation. Global cartels, networks of coloniality, and tech multinational corporations have turned big data into capital, which is largely unregulated or poorly regulated in Africa as the continent lacks the strong institutions necessary to regulate the mining of data. Written from a decolonial perspective, this book employs three analytical pillars of coloniality of power, knowledge and being.Highlighting the crippling continuation of asymmetrical global power relations, this book will be an important read for researchers of African studies, politics and international political economy.The Open Access version of this book, available athttp://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/e/9781003157731, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license

This book argues that the fourth industrial revolution, the process of accelerated automation of traditional manufacturing and industrial practices via digital technology, will serve to further marginalise Africa within the international community. In this book, the author argues that the looting of Africa that started with human capital and then natural resources, now continues unabated via data and digital resources looting. Developing on the notion of "Coloniality of Data", the fourth industrial revolution is postulated as the final phase which will conclude Africa’s peregrination towards recolonisation. Global cartels, networks of coloniality, and tech multinational corporations have turned big data into capital, which is largely unregulated or poorly regulated in Africa as the continent lacks the strong institutions necessary to regulate the mining of data. Written from a decolonial perspective, this book employs three analytical pillars of coloniality of power, knowledge and being.Highlighting the crippling continuation of asymmetrical global power relations, this book will be an important read for researchers of African studies, politics and international political economy.The Open Access version of this book, available athttp://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/e/9781003157731, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license

This book investigates the relationship between the International Criminal Court and Africa (the ICC or the Court), asking why and how the international criminal justice system has so far largely failed the victims of atrocities in Africa. The book explores how the Court degenerated from a very promising multilateral institution to being an instrumentalised, politicised, weaponised institution that ended up with the victims being the greatest losers. Instead of looking at the International Criminal Court as a recent alternative to a prevailing international criminal justice paradigm, this book argues that the Court is a manifestation of the same world order that was established by the Reconquista in 1492. Written from a decolonial perspective, the book particularly draws on evidence from Zimbabwe in order to demonstrate how the International Criminal Court is failing the victims of the four crimes that fall under its jurisdiction. Drawing on the perspectives of victims in particular, this book highlights the damage caused within Africa by the international criminal justice system and argues for a decolonial conception of justice. The book will be of interest to researchers from across African politics, international relations, law and criminal justice.

This book investigates the relationship between the International Criminal Court and Africa (the ICC or the Court), asking why and how the international criminal justice system has so far largely failed the victims of atrocities in Africa. The book explores how the Court degenerated from a very promising multilateral institution to being an instrumentalised, politicised, weaponised institution that ended up with the victims being the greatest losers. Instead of looking at the International Criminal Court as a recent alternative to a prevailing international criminal justice paradigm, this book argues that the Court is a manifestation of the same world order that was established by the Reconquista in 1492. Written from a decolonial perspective, the book particularly draws on evidence from Zimbabwe in order to demonstrate how the International Criminal Court is failing the victims of the four crimes that fall under its jurisdiction. Drawing on the perspectives of victims in particular, this book highlights the damage caused within Africa by the international criminal justice system and argues for a decolonial conception of justice. The book will be of interest to researchers from across African politics, international relations, law and criminal justice.

This book investigates the political legacy of colonialism in contemporary African institutions.Using the case study of electoral and justice institutions in post-colonial Zimbabwe, the book explores how those in post-colonial states relate to and with institutions initially designed to oppress them and remain structurally and systematically colonial. The book argues that the colonial era colonised the land, knowledge, and minds of Africans, resulting in injustice and epistemicides. The book demonstrates how the critical institutions of elections and justice have been rendered anti-black and toxic. The book calls for Africa to invest in epistemic independence, unencumbered by Western political modernity, and then deploy that independence to build reconstituted institutions, structures, and systems that serve the interests of Africans.This book will be an important read for African policymakers and researchers working on African politics, governance, and international relations.

This book investigates the political legacy of colonialism in contemporary African institutions.Using the case study of electoral and justice institutions in post-colonial Zimbabwe, the book explores how those in post-colonial states relate to and with institutions initially designed to oppress them and remain structurally and systematically colonial. The book argues that the colonial era colonised the land, knowledge, and minds of Africans, resulting in injustice and epistemicides. The book demonstrates how the critical institutions of elections and justice have been rendered anti-black and toxic. The book calls for Africa to invest in epistemic independence, unencumbered by Western political modernity, and then deploy that independence to build reconstituted institutions, structures, and systems that serve the interests of Africans.This book will be an important read for African policymakers and researchers working on African politics, governance, and international relations.

The book investigates the use of bottom-up, community based healing and peacebuilding approaches, focusing on their strengths and suggesting how they can be enhanced. The main contribution of the book is an ethnographic investigation of how post-conflict communities in parts of Southern Africa use their local resources to forge a future after mass violence. The way in which Namibia’s Herero and Zimbabwe’s Ndebele dealt with their respective genocides is a major contribution of the book.The focus of the book is on two Southern African countries that never experienced institutionalized transitional justice as dispensed in post-apartheid South Africa via the famed Truth and Reconciliation Commission. We answer the question: how have communities healed and reconciled after the end of protracted violence and gross human rights abuses in Zimbabwe and Namibia? We depart from statetist, top-down, one-size fits all approaches to transitional justice and investigate bottom-up approaches.

The book investigates the use of bottom-up, community based healing and peacebuilding approaches, focusing on their strengths and suggesting how they can be enhanced. The main contribution of the book is an ethnographic investigation of how post-conflict communities in parts of Southern Africa use their local resources to forge a future after mass violence. The way in which Namibia’s Herero and Zimbabwe’s Ndebele dealt with their respective genocides is a major contribution of the book.The focus of the book is on two Southern African countries that never experienced institutionalized transitional justice as dispensed in post-apartheid South Africa via the famed Truth and Reconciliation Commission. We answer the question: how have communities healed and reconciled after the end of protracted violence and gross human rights abuses in Zimbabwe and Namibia? We depart from statetist, top-down, one-size fits all approaches to transitional justice and investigate bottom-up approaches.

The book exposes various mechanisms and methods by which covert colonial mechanisms are employed to perpetuate colonialism, especially in Africa. Less overt and more covert perpetuation of colonialism is done through the use of networks. The main achievement of the initial phase of colonialism was the establishment of networks that are nefarious and omnipresent; constituting “distributed presence,” which allows for “action at a distance.” As a result, colonial subjects became willing participants in these processes, unbeknownst to them, which perpetuated their own colonialism. The book exposes forms of colonialism where manufactured consent is used to perpetuate colonialism. Trapped in this capitalist, Western, Christian language and moral world order without sovereignty, African countries continuously sink deeper into the colonial quagmire.

Failed attempts in Africa to develop, democratise and instil virtues of a just state and society which promote benevolent leadership and advance political and economic rights and freedoms call for a ‘new’ imagination. By exploring a wide range of issues concerning justice, human rights and leadership, this book makes two major contributions to the extant literature in each of these areas. Firstly, as a project in decoloniality, it constitutes an ‘epistemic break’ from mainstream logics and approaches to understanding state, society and development in Africa, presenting an approach that is filtered through a Euro-American lens that reifies the hegemony of a particular spatio-temporality.  In other words, it emphasises the importance of situatedness by thinking from rather than about or with Africa. And secondly, it addresses a fundamental shortcoming in decolonial thought, which is often criticised for rejecting western paradigms of thought without providing viable alternatives. The issues covered include state failure in Africa, the geopolitics of US and NATO military interventions on the continent, individual states’ responses to international law, indigenous moral political leadership, authentic inclusion of marginalised voices in development practice, an endogenous approach to environmental ethics, and a spiritualist reflection on the need for Africa to chart her own course to political, social and economic redemption. By searching for alternative paths to justice, human rights and leadership, this book represents an effort to actualise the core vision of the African Renaissance to find ‘African solutions for African problems’.

Failed attempts in Africa to develop, democratise and instil virtues of a just state and society which promote benevolent leadership and advance political and economic rights and freedoms call for a ‘new’ imagination. By exploring a wide range of issues concerning justice, human rights and leadership, this book makes two major contributions to the extant literature in each of these areas. Firstly, as a project in decoloniality, it constitutes an ‘epistemic break’ from mainstream logics and approaches to understanding state, society and development in Africa, presenting an approach that is filtered through a Euro-American lens that reifies the hegemony of a particular spatio-temporality.  In other words, it emphasises the importance of situatedness by thinking from rather than about or with Africa. And secondly, it addresses a fundamental shortcoming in decolonial thought, which is often criticised for rejecting western paradigms of thought without providing viable alternatives. The issues covered include state failure in Africa, the geopolitics of US and NATO military interventions on the continent, individual states’ responses to international law, indigenous moral political leadership, authentic inclusion of marginalised voices in development practice, an endogenous approach to environmental ethics, and a spiritualist reflection on the need for Africa to chart her own course to political, social and economic redemption. By searching for alternative paths to justice, human rights and leadership, this book represents an effort to actualise the core vision of the African Renaissance to find ‘African solutions for African problems’.

This book examines the epistemological, political, and socio-economic consequences of the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) for Africa.