Gil Shidlo – författare

This book had its origins in my doctoral research at the London School of Economics. It developed more rapidly than expected thanks to the good will and collective efforts of various people and institutions who provided help and support-material, intellectual and moralthroughout four years at the LSE and two years at Tel Aviv University. I am most grateful to George Philip and Patrick Dunleavy, who have patiently read the many drafts and offered their comments and suggestions at various stages of this work. I would also like to thank Peter Dawson, who during my early days at the LSE as a research and MSc student, supervised, advised and above all encouraged my intentions to carry out research on developing countries. Henrique Rattner of the Fundacao Getulio Vargas provided me not only with technical support but also introduced me to the complex Brazilian bureaucracy. Gabriel Bolaffi, of the Faculty of Architecture and Urbanism at the University of Sao Paulo, made it possible for me to gain access to the otherwise restricted public housing agencies. I also extend my gratitude to the officials at COHAB/SP, CODESPAULO, INOCOOP and the BNH (in Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo) who spared precious time to be interviewed and supplied me with published and unpublished documents. The IPT (Sao Paulo Institute of Technological Research) provided the primary material on ltaquera and enabled me to use their computing facilities and process the data. Special thanks are due to Ros Mari Kaupatez. The friends we made in Sao Paulo, whose welcome and warmth surpassed all expectations, made a long stay more bearable. This project could not have been carried out without the moral and financial support of both my grandfather and my parents, who took a deep interest in my studies and encouraged me during difficult periods. A debt of thanks is also owed to the Publication Committee of the London School of Economics, especially P. C. Davis. Anthony Hall's comments were very valuable. Thanks are due to the Faculty of Social Sciences and the Department of Political Science at Tel Aviv University for financial help in preparing this work for publication. Finally, this study is dedicated to my wife, Sarah, who interrupted her studies to accompany me to Brazil and helped me in ways I cannot adequately acknowledge.

Two decades ago the mere notion of examining local elections in Latin America would have produced a puzzled look and a simple question: ?Why?? Elections of any sort were limited and suspect if they occurred at all, and local elections were for the vast majority of countries nonexistent. Latin America?s return to democracy in the 1980s marked a new chapter in its political history. During this movement from military to civilian regimes, local elections played a key role in democratization. They represented the breadth and depth of political change occurring in the region. Urban Elections in Democratic Latin America explores the electoral politics of several of the major urban centers and capital cities of democratic Latin America. The primacy of urban centers throughout Latin America magnifies the importance of this study. Latin America is over two-thirds urban, and two of the world?s three largest cities are now in Latin America: the metropolitan areas of Mexico City and Sao Paulo. Previous discussions on electoral politics have focused exclusively on presidential elections. However, democratization requires more than presidential elections; indeed, ultimately it may depend on the presence and vitality of local elections. This text examines the neglected topic of these elections. The chapters analyze the electoral process in ten Latin American countries, including an examination of how local elections have either paralleled or diverged from national election patterns. _Each essay begins with an introduction to the country and city in question, followed by a close examination of the electoral experience at the local level. Conclusions focus on identifying patterns and on the importance of local elections in the democratic life of the nation. The following countries are examined: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Mexico, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela. Contributors to this text include Angel E. Alvarez, Peter Calvert, Henry Dietz, Eduardo Gamarra, Gary Hoskin, Ricardo C_rdova Mac_as, Christopher Mitchell, Aidan Rankin, Victoria Rodr_guez, Gil Shidlo, and Andrew J. Stein.

This book had its origins in my doctoral research at the London School of Economics. It developed more rapidly than expected thanks to the good will and collective efforts of various people and institutions who provided help and support-material, intellectual and moralthroughout four years at the LSE and two years at Tel Aviv University. I am most grateful to George Philip and Patrick Dunleavy, who have patiently read the many drafts and offered their comments and suggestions at various stages of this work. I would also like to thank Peter Dawson, who during my early days at the LSE as a research and MSc student, supervised, advised and above all encouraged my intentions to carry out research on developing countries. Henrique Rattner of the Fundacao Getulio Vargas provided me not only with technical support but also introduced me to the complex Brazilian bureaucracy. Gabriel Bolaffi, of the Faculty of Architecture and Urbanism at the University of Sao Paulo, made it possible for me to gain access to the otherwise restricted public housing agencies. I also extend my gratitude to the officials at COHAB/SP, CODESPAULO, INOCOOP and the BNH (in Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo) who spared precious time to be interviewed and supplied me with published and unpublished documents. The IPT (Sao Paulo Institute of Technological Research) provided the primary material on ltaquera and enabled me to use their computing facilities and process the data. Special thanks are due to Ros Mari Kaupatez. The friends we made in Sao Paulo, whose welcome and warmth surpassed all expectations, made a long stay more bearable. This project could not have been carried out without the moral and financial support of both my grandfather and my parents, who took a deep interest in my studies and encouraged me during difficult periods. A debt of thanks is also owed to the Publication Committee of the London School of Economics, especially P. C. Davis. Anthony Hall''s comments were very valuable. Thanks are due to the Faculty of Social Sciences and the Department of Political Science at Tel Aviv University for financial help in preparing this work for publication. Finally, this study is dedicated to my wife, Sarah, who interrupted her studies to accompany me to Brazil and helped me in ways I cannot adequately acknowledge.

This book had its origins in my doctoral research at the London School of Economics. It developed more rapidly than expected thanks to the good will and collective efforts of various people and institutions who provided help and support-material, intellectual and moralthroughout four years at the LSE and two years at Tel Aviv University. I am most grateful to George Philip and Patrick Dunleavy, who have patiently read the many drafts and offered their comments and suggestions at various stages of this work. I would also like to thank Peter Dawson, who during my early days at the LSE as a research and MSc student, supervised, advised and above all encouraged my intentions to carry out research on developing countries. Henrique Rattner of the Fundacao Getulio Vargas provided me not only with technical support but also introduced me to the complex Brazilian bureaucracy. Gabriel Bolaffi, of the Faculty of Architecture and Urbanism at the University of Sao Paulo, made it possible for me to gain access to the otherwise restricted public housing agencies. I also extend my gratitude to the officials at COHAB/SP, CODESPAULO, INOCOOP and the BNH (in Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo) who spared precious time to be interviewed and supplied me with published and unpublished documents. The IPT (Sao Paulo Institute of Technological Research) provided the primary material on ltaquera and enabled me to use their computing facilities and process the data. Special thanks are due to Ros Mari Kaupatez. The friends we made in Sao Paulo, whose welcome and warmth surpassed all expectations, made a long stay more bearable. This project could not have been carried out without the moral and financial support of both my grandfather and my parents, who took a deep interest in my studies and encouraged me during difficult periods. A debt of thanks is also owed to the Publication Committee of the London School of Economics, especially P. C. Davis. Anthony Hall''s comments were very valuable. Thanks are due to the Faculty of Social Sciences and the Department of Political Science at Tel Aviv University for financial help in preparing this work for publication. Finally, this study is dedicated to my wife, Sarah, who interrupted her studies to accompany me to Brazil and helped me in ways I cannot adequately acknowledge.

Originally published in 1990, this title asks, what has been the role of the state vis-a-vis housing policy in developing countries over the last few years? To date there had been no significant attempt to deal comprehensively with state intervention in the housing market in the developing world, most of the literature choosing to concentrate either on specific country studies or on single issues.This book attempts an analysis of comparative housing policy - the study of how, why, and to what effect different governments pursue particular courses of action or inaction. Two main strategies can be identified - the demand-side and the supply-side. Policy makers opt for subsidies either to builders (whether they are formal or informal, profit making or non-profit making) or to consumers, or for a combination of both. This book analyses the consequences of those decisions in a wide cross-section of developing countries. Its conclusions will interest all those studying housing in the developing world.

Originally published in 1990, this title asks, what has been the role of the state vis-a-vis housing policy in developing countries over the last few years? To date there had been no significant attempt to deal comprehensively with state intervention in the housing market in the developing world, most of the literature choosing to concentrate either on specific country studies or on single issues.This book attempts an analysis of comparative housing policy - the study of how, why, and to what effect different governments pursue particular courses of action or inaction. Two main strategies can be identified - the demand-side and the supply-side. Policy makers opt for subsidies either to builders (whether they are formal or informal, profit making or non-profit making) or to consumers, or for a combination of both. This book analyses the consequences of those decisions in a wide cross-section of developing countries. Its conclusions will interest all those studying housing in the developing world.

Originally published in 1990, this title asks, what has been the role of the state vis-à-vis housing policy in developing countries over the last few years? To date there had been no significant attempt to deal comprehensively with state intervention in the housing market in the developing world, most of the literature choosing to concentrate either on specific country studies or on single issues.This book attempts an analysis of comparative housing policy – the study of how, why, and to what effect different governments pursue particular courses of action or inaction. Two main strategies can be identified – the demand-side and the supply-side. Policy makers opt for subsidies either to builders (whether they are formal or informal, profit making or non-profit making) or to consumers, or for a combination of both. This book analyses the consequences of those decisions in a wide cross-section of developing countries. Its conclusions will interest all those studying housing in the developing world.

The crisis in the Gulf of 1990-1 affected more than just the regional powers in the area. Rippling outward, its military, economic and political effects were felt throughout the international political system, testing US steadfastness in the face of Saddam Hussein’s political survival, European ability to form a united front on foreign policy issues and the effectiveness of the UN in confronting international aggression. The rationale behind this book, first published in 1993, is to investigate and analyse the various aspects of the crisis, especially in regard to the interactions between internal and international prospects for a new order in the Middle East. It also examines the wider effects of the war, and includes analysis of Europe, America and the Soviet Union. Each one of the essays chosen for this volume has been written by an expert in their field. This collaboration between historians, regional specialists and political scientists, integrating a variety of research methods in the framework of one book, will be useful to a wide range of readers.

The crisis in the Gulf of 1990-1 affected more than just the regional powers in the area. Rippling outward, its military, economic and political effects were felt throughout the international political system, testing US steadfastness in the face of Saddam Hussein’s political survival, European ability to form a united front on foreign policy issues and the effectiveness of the UN in confronting international aggression. The rationale behind this book, first published in 1993, is to investigate and analyse the various aspects of the crisis, especially in regard to the interactions between internal and international prospects for a new order in the Middle East. It also examines the wider effects of the war, and includes analysis of Europe, America and the Soviet Union. Each one of the essays chosen for this volume has been written by an expert in their field. This collaboration between historians, regional specialists and political scientists, integrating a variety of research methods in the framework of one book, will be useful to a wide range of readers.