Gregory Flynn - Böcker

This book is a comparative study of the role that domestic factors play in shaping the form and content of Western policy towards the Soviet Union. The countries whose policies are featured are Great Britain, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Japan, and the United States.

In this volume, distinguished French and U.S. historians, economists, and political scientists explore the dimensions of France's current crisis of identity. Although every European nation has been adjusting to the dramatic transformations on the continent since the end of the Cold War, France's struggle to adapt has been particularly difficult. Responding to a mix of external and internal pressures, the nation is now questioning many basic assumptions about how France should be governed, what the objectives of national policies should be, and ultimately what it means to be French. Rather than focusing explicitly on the problem of identity, the contributors offer differing perspectives on the issues at the heart of the country's debate about its future. They begin by examining how France's historical legacy has influenced the way the nation confronts contemporary problems, giving special attention to the manner in which past traumatic experiences, socioeconomic and cultural traditions, and the belief in French exceptionalism have shaped current political thinking. They then consider how favoring a more open approach to trade and building a strong franc have changed the culture of economic policy and created dilemmas for the rule of the state as a guarantor of welfare. They go on to explore changes in elite structures, the evolution of the party system, and the spillover of new political conditions that are driving France's efforts to establish a strong national identity in the area of trade. Finally, the contributors examine the central influence of the changing international framework on France's self-definition, on its security policies, its relationship to the European Union, and its basic perceptions of the state and sovereignty. They also consider how the answers to these questions are affecting France's relationships with the outside world and the overriding policy dilemmas faced by all the European nations.

In this volume, distinguished French and U.S. historians, economists, and political scientists explore the dimensions of France's current crisis of identity. Although every European nation has been adjusting to the dramatic transformations on the continent since the end of the Cold War, France's struggle to adapt has been particularly difficult. Responding to a mix of external and internal pressures, the nation is now questioning many basic assumptions about how France should be governed, what the objectives of national policies should be, and ultimately what it means to be French. Rather than focusing explicitly on the problem of identity, the contributors offer differing perspectives on the issues at the heart of the country's debate about its future. They begin by examining how France's historical legacy has influenced the way the nation confronts contemporary problems, giving special attention to the manner in which past traumatic experiences, socioeconomic and cultural traditions, and the belief in French exceptionalism have shaped current political thinking. They then consider how favoring a more open approach to trade and building a strong franc have changed the culture of economic policy and created dilemmas for the rule of the state as a guarantor of welfare. They go on to explore changes in elite structures, the evolution of the party system, and the spillover of new political conditions that are driving France's efforts to establish a strong national identity in the area of trade. Finally, the contributors examine the central influence of the changing international framework on France's self-definition, on its security policies, its relationship to the European Union, and its basic perceptions of the state and sovereignty. They also consider how the answers to these questions are affecting France's relationships with the outside world and the overriding policy dilemmas faced by all the European nations.

This book, first published in 1985, analyses the polarization of popular opinion over NATO defence policies during the latter years of the Cold War. In many countries, the domestic consensus that once supported Allied policies came close to collapsing, and this study examines the question of the democratization of defence policy. It explores four themes for each of the Allied countries: views of the Soviet Union; deterrence; security; and the Allies. A rigorous and systematic analysis of the raw data allows for easy cross-national comparisons.

This book, first published in 1985, analyses the polarization of popular opinion over NATO defence policies during the latter years of the Cold War. In many countries, the domestic consensus that once supported Allied policies came close to collapsing, and this study examines the question of the democratization of defence policy. It explores four themes for each of the Allied countries: views of the Soviet Union; deterrence; security; and the Allies. A rigorous and systematic analysis of the raw data allows for easy cross-national comparisons.

This book, first published in 1985, analyses the choices made by NATO’s northern allies during the 1970s and 80s, as well as the factors that produced these choices. Each country study investigates the historical background of the decision to align, the existence of specific enduring security preferences, and the way in which these have – to the extent they have – been reconciled in policy. The studies then examine defence policy priorities during tranquil periods, detail the factors responsible for promoting change in the way each country has formulated security priorities, and look at the way in which disputes have been played out in domestic political life. Finally, the studies analyse the broad outline of future priorities at the end of the Cold War.

This book, first published in 1985, analyses the choices made by NATO’s northern allies during the 1970s and 80s, as well as the factors that produced these choices. Each country study investigates the historical background of the decision to align, the existence of specific enduring security preferences, and the way in which these have – to the extent they have – been reconciled in policy. The studies then examine defence policy priorities during tranquil periods, detail the factors responsible for promoting change in the way each country has formulated security priorities, and look at the way in which disputes have been played out in domestic political life. Finally, the studies analyse the broad outline of future priorities at the end of the Cold War.

This book, first published in 1989, analyses Western and Soviet perceptions of each other’s military thoughts and doctrines, a key part of the Cold War, where both sides planned to both win a possible conflict, and to avoid one. The work demonstrates that both East and West made judgments about each other’s military profile on the basis of political preconceptions.

This book, first published in 1989, analyses Western and Soviet perceptions of each other’s military thoughts and doctrines, a key part of the Cold War, where both sides planned to both win a possible conflict, and to avoid one. The work demonstrates that both East and West made judgments about each other’s military profile on the basis of political preconceptions.

Changes in domestic economic and political conditions, together with a loss of confidence in the United States leadership produced serious problems within the Atlantic Alliance. The Internal Fabric of Western Security (first published in 1981) examines the effects of domestic change upon perceived security requirements and explores ways to deal with the problems that developed.Beginning with an examination of Allied and European relations, the book outlines external challenges to security that the Alliance faces in the 1980s and discusses internal problems that affect member nations’ ability to deal with them. Country studies of the four largest European members of the Alliance systematically examine domestic constraints on security policy and assess probable approaches for the 1980s. A more general analysis is offered on how this situation affects the Allies’ ability to work together in dealing with their common security problems. The need to integrate economic and military requirements is also discussed.