Guy Arnold – författare

Mercenaries have been employed as auxiliaries since early times, but in the post-1945 world they have operated, almost exclusively, in weak Third World countries. From Columbia to the Congo, Angola to Papua New Guinea, Cambodia to Nicaragua, they have appeared: training the drug cartel armies, assisting rebellions or civil wars, acting as the agents of the major powers. In the Congo crisis (1960-1965) they earned an especially unsavory reputation for greed, brutality and racism; it is a reputation that has stuck to the mercenary and on the whole justly. During the 1990s a new phenomenon has emerged in the form of the mercenary corporations such as Executive Outcomes or Sandline. These corporations offer a range of military expertise and weaponry, have the covert support of governments in the countries from which they come and are rapidly becoming a power to themselves, ultimately far more dangerous than the individual freebooters of the past.

Since 1945, mercenaries have earned an especially bad name for themselves in the Third World. From Colombia to the Congo, Angola to Papua New Guinea they have followed their dubious calling, hiring themselves out for blood money, training the war bands of drug barons, or assisting civil wars. They have gained a reputation for greed, racialism and brutality. Now, a phenomenon is emerging in the form of independent corporations with names such as "Executive Outcomes" or "Sandline" offering to sell every kind of military expertise and threatening to become powers in their own right. This book looks at the subject.

Constant migration is a worldwide phenomenon that creates sharp divisions between those who accept the need for migrants and welcome the contributions they make and those who oppose them on xenophobic grounds. Guy Arnold provides a comprehensive survey of the consequences of migration.Arnold studies both the massive internal migrations in China and India that drive economic development and the influx of cheap labour into the advanced economies of the USA and EU. He shows that migrants are essential to advanced countries, filling skills gaps and bolstering ageing and static populations. He argues that the constant flow of people in all directions should be welcomed as a positive assault upon outdated, narrow nationalism. Packed with statistics that support the argument that migration is a force for positive change, Arnold's analysis will be an excellent resource for journalists, policy makers and students of sociology, human geography and anthropology.

During the long period when the world was divided between East and West and the Cold War threatened to turn hot with devastating consequences, the Non-Aligned Movement was one of the few institutions that consistently sought other outcomes not in its own interest, but that of all humanity. Consisting of over 100 states that are free of any formal alliances with any major power bloc, the Non-Aligned Movement provides aid to those countries striving to gain independence, eliminate poverty, and develop their economy.Just what the Non-Aligned Movement and Third World sought—and at times achieved—is set forth in this unique reference work, with its over 200 cross-referenced dictionary entries on important persons, organizations, and conferences, as well as the key issues and concepts. Entries are supported by an extensive chronology, a list of acronyms, an introduction to the movement, and a bibliography for further research.

Ever since the end of World War II, and even more so since 1960, when 17 African colonies became independent of colonial rule, the African continent has been ravaged by a series of wars. These wars have ranged from liberation struggles against former colonial powers to power struggles between different factions in the aftermath of independence. They have ranged from border wars between newly independent states to civil wars between ethnic groups. As with many conflicts, outside forces were drawn into these wars, and major powers outside the continent intervened on one side or the other for a variety of reasons: political ideology, Cold War considerations, ethnic alignments, and stemming the flow of violence.Whether referring to Algeria's struggle for independence from French colonial rule, Nigeria's internal struggles to achieve a balanced state after the British departure, the Rwandan genocide of 1994, or the current ethnic cleansing in Darfur, The A to Z of Civil Wars in Africa covers all of the wars that have occurred in Africa since independence. This is done through a chronology broken down by country, an introductory essay, a bibliography, and cross-referenced dictionary entries covering the wars, conflicts, major political and military figures, child soldiers, mercenaries, and blood diamonds.

For a relatively short war, the Crimean War holds an important place in history. Finally, a resource that provides a historical overview of the war from a number of different angles including, the causes, the motivations, the course, and the consequences.The A to Z of the Crimean War fully explores the main engagements, the principal political figures and rulers, the military leaders and naval commanders, and the events leading up to the conflict. This Dictionary is an excellent window into the political, national, and military intrigue that surrounded one of the most costly campaigns of all time. Includes a chronology, maps, and a comprehensive bibliography full of primary sources, as well as classic sources and histories that will allow researchers to trace the changing perception of the war through history.

Examines the abuse of drugs in the West and the scope and value of the illegal drugs business, and the failure of the drug enforcement programmes either to curtail the supply of drugs or to persuade users to abandon their habit.

With nuclear stalemate holding the superpowers in check during the Cold War, violence proliferated in the Third World. Sometimes this took the form of colonial liberation wars as the old European empires disintegrated after the Second World War (Algeria 1954-1962 or Kenya 1952-1959); sometimes the violence was between Third World countries such as the Iran-Iraq War, and sometimes it involved the major powers directly: the Korean War, the Vietnam War, the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan. Certain regions – Central America, Southern Africa, the Horn of Africa or the Middle East – have been in more or less perpetual turmoil for thirty years and more. But whatever form the violence has taken –protracted guerrilla activity against the central government or short, sharp border war – the big powers have always been involved. They have provided arms to one or both sides, they have supported their ideological protégés and, more generally, have manipulated such wars to their own advantage.This book examines five broad categories of war: colonial liberation wars, big power intervention wars, wars between Third World countries, the special area of Israel and its neighbours, and civil wars.

What is it that allowed countries as diverse as Brazil and India, Kuwait and Grenada, Nigeria and Fiji to be labelled as Third World? Generously illustrated with maps, charts and tables, The Third World Handbook encapsulates in one volume the chief developments, achievements, problems and attitudes which between them have produced what we call the Third World up until the early 1990s. The book further covers topics such as the end of the European-ruled empires; the role of the United Nations; the Non-Aligned Movement; the development of aid agencies, the advent of OPEC and the growth of oil power; and population, resources and exploitation.

The Resources of the Third World provides a comprehensive survey of those countries that are considered to belong to the Third World or less developed countries, those that the World Bank classifies as low- or middle-income economies. The book analyzes the contribution that possession of resources makes to economic development. Guy Arnold defines resources in broad terms--not only the traditionally analyzed resources of agricultural and mineral wealth but also the less well studied resources of infrastructure and, especially, population, and the talents, education, and training of that population. In Part I, Overview, Arnold examines these resources and defines the relationship between the advanced economies of the North and the developing economies of the South. In Part II, Country Surveys, he provides individual analysis of some 144 countries of the South in an effort to define their potential and probable development during the first few decades of the 21st century. The Resources of the Third World will be an essential text for any researcher, librarian, or student with an interest in Third World studies.

World Strategic Highways provides a detailed examination of approximately 50 of the most important strategic highways in the world. These highways may take the form of roads, railways, rivers and canals, or air and sea routes. They have one thing in common: they are of special significance because, throughout history, they have acted as major trade routes for a number of countries; have military or strategic significance; act to bind a country or countries together; or, in the case of rivers, act as boundaries between two or more countries. They include the Suez and Panama canals, the Rhine and Amazon rivers, the Trans-US Railway, the Khyber Pass and Maputo Corridor, the Silk Road, the Cape sea route and the Pacific sea route. Location maps are provided throughout the book.

This guide is intended to show how inter-African relations work. There are many continental institutions that between them create a framework within which African states can solve their problems and assist one another with regional economic development, peacekeeping, or political cooperation. The guide provides an historical setting for the institutions that are examined and also gives examples of how they operate in practice.

Examines the abuse of drugs in the West and the scope and value of the illegal drugs business, and the failure of the drug enforcement programmes either to curtail the supply of drugs or to persuade users to abandon their habit.

A magisterial and sweeping history of modern Africa.The end of the Second World War signalled the rapid end of the European African empires. In 1945, only four African countries were independent; by 1963, thirty African states created the Organization of African Unity. Despite formidable problems, the 1960s were a time of optimism as Africans enjoyed their new independence, witnessed increases in prosperity and prepared to tackle their political and economic problems in their own way. By the 1990s, however, the high hopes of the 1960s had been dashed. Dictatorship by strongmen, corruption, civil wars and genocide, widespread poverty and the interventions and manipulations of the major powers had all relegated Africa to the position of an aid 'basket case', with some of the world's poorest and least-developed nations. By exploring developments over the last fifteen years, including the impact of China, new IT technology and the Arab Spring, the rise of Nigeria as Africa's leading country and the recent refugee crisis, Guy Arnold brings his landmark history of modern Africa up to date and provides a fresh and insightful perspective on this troubled and misunderstood continent.

Britain's political and military elite has for decades nurtured the idea that enduring ties bind the interests of London and Washington, in good times and bad. Irrespective of the end of the Cold War, the 9/11 attacks and the economic rise of the East, these links are allegedly impregnable. But how accurate a picture is this? Are the British engaged in a monumental act of self-delusion? Guy Arnold investigates the 'American disease' at the heart of Whitehall, which, he argues, has tied British policies too closely to those of Washington. The 'special relationship' became a Foreign Office priority and gave Britain the illusion of power it no longer enjoyed. As Churchill put it acidly, 'the British and the Americans were stuck with each other - a junior partner and a senior partner respectively'. For the Americans it provided a way of keeping Britain 'on side' but in return Washington accelerated Britain's imperial decline. The Americans always saw Britain in Europe as a Trojan Horse to safeguard their interests and as a military outpost for their global ambitions. They derided or ignored the 'special relationship', even in their dealings with Thatcher and Blair, and latterly the Foreign Office has failed to convince President Obama of its unique importance.