Hugh Roberts – författare

What is the role of poetry in bringing about change? This book explores that question in the writings of Percy Bysshe Shelley, examining his fascination with the role of contingency in physical and historical processes. In considering the long-standing debate over Shelley's philosophical stance, Hugh Roberts turns to the poet's reading of Lucretius to show how Shelley developed an alternative approach to the issues of history, change, time, and process—one that incorporates the most compelling features of skepticism and idealism. He sheds new light on the importance of De rerum natura to Shelley's thought, and through extended readings of The Revolt of Islam and The Triumph of Life he shows the poet struggling with the intellectual limitations of Romanticism and the Enlightenment and moving beyond them. Roberts then deploys some of the key concepts from the new science of chaos theory to illuminate the wider implications of Shelley's approach. He shows how with the help of this new paradigm much that has seemed baffling about the poet falls into place—most notably a new understanding of political process that allows us to better comprehend Shelley's claim that "poets are the unacknowledged legislators of the world." Readings of a number of Shelley's poems and prose works demonstrate the wide-ranging implications of this approach for our understanding of his entire oeuvre. Shelley and the Chaos of History presents a Shelley whose investigations into the nature of history and the role of poetry lead us beyond contemporary deconstructionist-historicist debates. It shows that the complexity of Shelley's engagement with the major philosophical issues of his time has been greatly underestimated.

The Berber identity movement in North Africa was pioneered by the Kabyles of Algeria. But a preoccupation with identity and language has obscured the fact that Kabyle dissidence has been rooted in democratic aspirations inspired by the political traditions of Kabylia itself, a mountainous region in northern Algeria. The political organisation of pre-colonial Kabylia, from which these traditions originate, was well-described by nineteenth-century French ethnographers. But their inability to explain it led to a trend amongst later theorists of Berber society, such as Ernest Gellner and Pierre Bourdieu, to dismiss Kabylia's political institutions, notably the jema'a (assembly or council), and to reduce Berber politics to a function of social structure and shared religion. In Berber Government, Hugh Roberts explores the remarkable logics of Kabyle political organisation and the unusual degree of autonomy it enjoyed in relation to both kinship divisions and the religious field. Combining political anthropology and political and social history in an interdisciplinary analysis, this book further offers a pioneering account of the history of Kabylia during the Ottoman period and establishes a radically new way to understand the complex place of the Kabyles in Algerian politics..

The Berber identity movement in North Africa was pioneered by the Kabyles of Algeria. But a preoccupation with identity and language has obscured the fact that Kabyle dissidence has been rooted in democratic aspirations inspired by the political traditions of Kabylia itself, a Berber-speaking region in the north of Algeria. The political organisation of pre-colonial Kabylia, from which these traditions originate, was well described by nineteenth-century French authors. But their inability to explain it encouraged later theorists of Berber society, such as Ernest Gellner and Pierre Bourdieu, to dismiss Kabylia's political institutions, notably the jema'a (assembly or council), and to reduce Berber politics to a function of social structure and shared religion. In Berber Government, Hugh Roberts, a renowned expert on North Africa, explores the remarkable logics of Kabyle political organisation and the unusual degree of autonomy it possessed in relation to both kinship divisions and the religious field. This book further offers a pioneering account of the social and political history of Kabylia during the Ottoman period and establishes a radically new way to understand the complex place of the Kabyles in Algerian politics.

Changes in economic and social conditions throughout the Middle East have been profound, and perhaps nowhere has this been more evident than in the field of urban development and town planning. This book, first published in 1979, provides a view of the Middle East as it undergoes transition by identifying and analysing the symptoms of change.

Changes in economic and social conditions throughout the Middle East have been profound, and perhaps nowhere has this been more evident than in the field of urban development and town planning. This book, first published in 1979, provides a view of the Middle East as it undergoes transition by identifying and analysing the symptoms of change.

The first comprehensive study of William Ince and John Mayhew’s famous eighteenth-century cabinetmaking partnership, complemented by high-quality photographs of their work.The partnership of William Ince (1737–1804) and John Mayhew (1736–1811) ran from 1758 to 1804, and was one of the most enduring and well-connected collaborations in Georgian London’s tight-knit cabinetmaking community. The partners’ clientele was probably larger, and their work was arguably more influential over a longer period, than most other leading metropolitan makers – perhaps even than that of their older contemporary, the celebrated Thomas Chippendale.Despite their considerable output and an impressive tally of clients and commissions, much of Ince and Mayhew’s work has remained unidentified until recent times. The authors’ substantial research in private family archives, county record offices and bank archives has allowed them to uncover much new evidence about the business and its influence within cabinetmaking circles. In Industry and Ingenuity, the results of these new investigations are presented alongside an impressive selection of more than 500 colourful, vibrant photographs of Ince and Mayhew’s works, many previously unpublished, which together emphasise the partnership’s proper position in the pantheon of great eighteenth-century cabinetmakers.

The Berber identity movement in North Africa was pioneered by the Kabyles of Algeria. But a preoccupation with identity and language has obscured the fact that Kabyle dissidence has been rooted in democratic aspirations inspired by the political traditions of Kabylia itself, a mountainous region in northern Algeria. The political organisation of pre-colonial Kabylia, from which these traditions originate, was well-described by nineteenth-century French ethnographers. But their inability to explain it led to a trend amongst later theorists of Berber society, such as Ernest Gellner and Pierre Bourdieu, to dismiss Kabylia's political institutions, notably the jema‘a (assembly or council), and to reduce Berber politics to a function of social structure and shared religion. In Berber Government, Hugh Roberts explores the remarkable logics of Kabyle political organisation and the unusual degree of autonomy it enjoyed in relation to both kinship divisions and the religious field. Combining political anthropology and political and social history in an interdisciplinary analysis, this book further offers a pioneering account of the history of Kabylia during the Ottoman period and establishes a radically new way to understand the complex place of the Kabyles in Algerian politics..

The violence that has ravaged Algeria has often defied explanation. Regularly invoked in debates about political Islam, transitions to democracy, globalization, and the right of humanitarian interference, Algeria''s tragedy has been reduced to a clash of stereotypes: Islamists vs. a secular state, terrorists vs. innocent civilians, or generals vs. a defenseless society. The prevalence of such simplistic representations has disabled public opinion inside as well as outside the country and contributed to the intractability ofthe conflict.This collection of essays offers a radical corrective to Western misconceptions. Rejecting the usual tautological approaches of inherent, predetermined conflict, Hugh Roberts explores the outlook and evolution of the various internal forces as they emerged - the Islamists, the Berberists, the factions within the army, and the regime in general - and he looks at external interests and actors. He explains their strategies and the maneuvers in which they haveengaged. The resulting analyses illuminate the startling dynamics of the conflict and the real issues at stake, and identify the implications not only for Algeria but also for this crucial region.Informed by a deep knowledge of Algeria and Algerian history, these accessible essays guide the reader through the extraordinary politics of the drama in all its complexity.

Loved Egyptian Night fundamentally reassesses the Arab Spring, refuting the stories the Western powers fed to the world. There is no doubt that the toppling of Ben Ali in Tunisia in January 2011 and what it led to amounted to a political revolution. But the uprisings in Egypt, Libya and Syria - countries with quite different histories and political traditions - were never revolutions. As Hugh Roberts explains, the bitter ends of these episodes were inscribed in their misunderstood beginnings. To celebrate these uprisings as ''revolutions'' preempts and inhibits critical analysis and expresses an abdication of intellectual responsibility. After so much wishful thinking, what remains is the debris of a cynical pretension. Outside interference, ostensibly on behalf of these ''revolutions'', reduced Libya to anarchy and condemned Syria to a devastating proxy war now in its twelfth year. In Egypt, the Free Officers'' state was re-booted in its most brutal ever form. The Americans and Europeans did not vainly try to help the Egyptians or anyone else escape from authoritarian rule. Instead, they contrived to seal them up in it. The long oppression of these societies, Kipling''s ''loved Egyptian night'', is not going to be ended by the Western powers; these days it is guaranteed by them.

Loved Egyptian Night fundamentally reassesses the Arab Spring, refuting the stories the Western powers fed to the world. There is no doubt that the toppling of Ben Ali in Tunisia in January 2011 and what it led to amounted to a political revolution. But the uprisings in Egypt, Libya and Syria - countries with quite different histories and political traditions - were never revolutions. As Hugh Roberts explains, the bitter ends of these episodes were inscribed in their misunderstood beginnings. To celebrate these uprisings as 'revolutions' preempts and inhibits critical analysis and expresses an abdication of intellectual responsibility. After so much wishful thinking, what remains is the debris of a cynical pretension. Outside interference, ostensibly on behalf of these 'revolutions', reduced Libya to anarchy and condemned Syria to a devastating proxy war now in its twelfth year. In Egypt, the Free Officers' state was re-booted in its most brutal ever form. The Americans and Europeans did not vainly try to help the Egyptians or anyone else escape from authoritarian rule. Instead, they contrived to seal them up in it. The long oppression of these societies, Kipling's 'loved Egyptian night', is not going to be ended by the Western powers; these days it is guaranteed by them.

The Berber identity movement in North Africa was pioneered by the Kabyles of Algeria. But a preoccupation with identity and language has obscured the fact that Kabyle dissidence has been rooted in democratic aspirations inspired by the political traditions of Kabylia itself, a mountainous region in northern Algeria. The political organisation of pre-colonial Kabylia, from which these traditions originate, was well-described by nineteenth-century French ethnographers. But their inability to explain it led to a trend amongst later theorists of Berber society, such as Ernest Gellner and Pierre Bourdieu, to dismiss Kabylia's political institutions, notably the jema‘a (assembly or council), and to reduce Berber politics to a function of social structure and shared religion. In Berber Government, Hugh Roberts explores the remarkable logics of Kabyle political organisation and the unusual degree of autonomy it enjoyed in relation to both kinship divisions and the religious field. Combining political anthropology and political and social history in an interdisciplinary analysis, this book further offers a pioneering account of the history of Kabylia during the Ottoman period and establishes a radically new way to understand the complex place of the Kabyles in Algerian politics.He instead explores the political structures and processes of the Kabyles, examining the organisation of the Kabyle polity and its intricate frameworks of law, political representation and self-government. Additionally, in a pioneering account of Kabylia's relations with the Ottoman Regency, he provides the first in-depth historical explanation of the genesis of the Kabyle polity as this existed at the moment of the French conquest of the region in 1857. In thus grounding the explanation of Kabyle political organisation in a resolutely historical analysis spanning the Ottoman era, Berber Government offers a radical alternative to previous paradigms and lays the foundation of new way of understanding the complex place and role of the Kabyles in Algerian political life from the pre-colonial era to the present day.

Sleeping rough, having sex in public and insulting the most powerful men in the world earned the ancient Cynic or ‘dog’ philosophers fame and infamy in antiquity and beyond. This book reveals that French Renaissance texts feature a rich and varied set of responses to the Dogs, including especially Diogenes of Sinope (4th century B.C.), whose life was a subversive performance combining wisdom and wisecracks. Cynicism is a special case in the renewal of interest in ancient philosophy at this time, owing to its transmission through jokes and anecdotes. The Cynics’ curious combination of seduction and sedition goes a long way to account for both the excitement and the tension that they generate in Renaissance texts. Responses to the extreme and deliberately marginal philosophical stance of the Dogs cast light back on the mainstream, revealing cultural attitudes, tensions and uncertainties. Above all, representations of Cynicism constitute a site for the exploration of strange and paradoxical ideas in playful and humorous ways. This is true of both major writers, including Erasmus, Rabelais and Montaigne, and of dozens of other less well-known but fascinating figures. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of intellectual and literary history.

Sleeping rough, having sex in public and insulting the most powerful men in the world earned the ancient Cynic or 'dog' philosophers fame and infamy in antiquity and beyond. This book reveals that French Renaissance texts feature a rich and varied set of responses to the Dogs, including especially Diogenes of Sinope (4th century B.C.), whose life was a subversive performance combining wisdom and wisecracks. Cynicism is a special case in the renewal of interest in ancient philosophy at this time, owing to its transmission through jokes and anecdotes. The Cynics' curious combination of seduction and sedition goes a long way to account for both the excitement and the tension that they generate in Renaissance texts. Responses to the extreme and deliberately marginal philosophical stance of the Dogs cast light back on the mainstream, revealing cultural attitudes, tensions and uncertainties. Above all, representations of Cynicism constitute a site for the exploration of strange and paradoxical ideas in playful and humorous ways. This is true of both major writers, including Erasmus, Rabelais and Montaigne, and of dozens of other less well-known but fascinating figures. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of intellectual and literary history.