Ioannis Stefanidis – författare

The ‘Macedonian question’ has been much studied in recent years as has the political history of the period from the Balkan Wars in 1912-13 to the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. But for a variety of reasons, connected with the political division of Greece and the involvement of outside powers, the events at and behind the Macedonian front have been side-lined. The recent commemorations of the centenary of the end of the First World War in the UK illustrate how by comparison with the enormous and moving emphasis on the western front, Macedonia has been not wholly but largely ignored. This volume illuminates this comparatively neglected period of Greek history and examines the strategic and military aspects of the war in Macedonia and the political, social, economic and cultural context of the war.

This work examines the background to Greek nationalist politics and its effects on public opinion towards international events and territorial claims, from the end of the Second World War to the collapse of constitutional rule in 1967. It explains how intermittent public mobilisation on various foreign policy issues created a political culture that combined elements of nationalism, religion, race and stereotypes about the national Self and the Other. The book challenges widely-held assumptions that Greek irredentism was all but dead and buried in the aftermath of the Asia Minor catastrophe of 1922, and that anti-Americanism was the product of US support for the Colonels' regime of 1967-74 and its condoning of the Turkish occupation of northern Cyprus. It begins with an examination of the revival of irredentism in connection with Greek national claims after 1945 and the two campaigns for the union of Cyprus with Greece during the 1950s and 1960s. The second part of the study reveals anti-Americanism to be largely the result of failed post-war Greek territorial ambitions - particularly the frustration of the Enosis claim - rather than the actual intervention of the United States in Greek affairs. Drawing on a huge variety of sources including the Greek press, records of the Greek Parliament, the US and British National Archives, as well the archives of numerous individuals, this book provides a fascinating account of Greek political culture and national self image at a crucial time in the country's political development.

The ‘Macedonian question’ has been much studied in recent years as has the political history of the period from the Balkan Wars in 1912-13 to the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. But for a variety of reasons, connected with the political division of Greece and the involvement of outside powers, the events at and behind the Macedonian front have been side-lined. The recent commemorations of the centenary of the end of the First World War in the UK illustrate how by comparison with the enormous and moving emphasis on the western front, Macedonia has been not wholly but largely ignored. This volume illuminates this comparatively neglected period of Greek history and examines the strategic and military aspects of the war in Macedonia and the political, social, economic and cultural context of the war.

The Second World War was waged across many fronts, economic, political and cultural as well as military. As might be expected in a conflict fuelled by ideology, the war of words and ideas played a central role in the larger conflict. As this book shows, propaganda - be it aimed at a sympathetic audience in enemy controlled lands, or the hostile population itself - was regarded by all sides as a fundamental part of the war effort, and one that received increasing, and increasingly sophisticated, attention. Focussing on the British propaganda effort directed towards the Balkans, the book begins with an introductory chapter on British wartime propaganda from both its home base and British-controlled Middle East. This is followed by two thematically broad chapters, one on British policy to the region, the other on evidence of a regional approach - and common themes - of British propaganda to the Balkans from the outbreak of the war to the German withdrawal. The remaining chapters provide a series of case-studies relating to British propaganda efforts directed towards the five pre-1939 states (except Turkey). These reveal much about Britain's overall approach to propaganda, as well as showing how the British tailored their efforts in response to supposed national characteristics of these countries. By uncovering not only the organisational tangle, the techniques and evolving aims of British wartime propaganda, but also its relation to military strategy and diplomacy, the set of beliefs about the region and its peoples, moral issues and planning for the post-war period the book provides a fascinating insight into the multiple meanings of propaganda and its effectiveness in specific wartime situations.

The Second World War was waged across many fronts, economic, political and cultural as well as military. As might be expected in a conflict fuelled by ideology, the war of words and ideas played a central role in the larger conflict. As this book shows, propaganda - be it aimed at a sympathetic audience in enemy controlled lands, or the hostile population itself - was regarded by all sides as a fundamental part of the war effort, and one that received increasing, and increasingly sophisticated, attention. Focussing on the British propaganda effort directed towards the Balkans, the book begins with an introductory chapter on British wartime propaganda from both its home base and British-controlled Middle East. This is followed by two thematically broad chapters, one on British policy to the region, the other on evidence of a regional approach - and common themes - of British propaganda to the Balkans from the outbreak of the war to the German withdrawal. The remaining chapters provide a series of case-studies relating to British propaganda efforts directed towards the five pre-1939 states (except Turkey). These reveal much about Britain''s overall approach to propaganda, as well as showing how the British tailored their efforts in response to supposed national characteristics of these countries. By uncovering not only the organisational tangle, the techniques and evolving aims of British wartime propaganda, but also its relation to military strategy and diplomacy, the set of beliefs about the region and its peoples, moral issues and planning for the post-war period the book provides a fascinating insight into the multiple meanings of propaganda and its effectiveness in specific wartime situations.

The Second World War was waged across many fronts, economic, political and cultural as well as military. As might be expected in a conflict fuelled by ideology, the war of words and ideas played a central role in the larger conflict. As this book shows, propaganda - be it aimed at a sympathetic audience in enemy controlled lands, or the hostile population itself - was regarded by all sides as a fundamental part of the war effort, and one that received increasing, and increasingly sophisticated, attention. Focussing on the British propaganda effort directed towards the Balkans, the book begins with an introductory chapter on British wartime propaganda from both its home base and British-controlled Middle East. This is followed by two thematically broad chapters, one on British policy to the region, the other on evidence of a regional approach - and common themes - of British propaganda to the Balkans from the outbreak of the war to the German withdrawal. The remaining chapters provide a series of case-studies relating to British propaganda efforts directed towards the five pre-1939 states (except Turkey). These reveal much about Britain''s overall approach to propaganda, as well as showing how the British tailored their efforts in response to supposed national characteristics of these countries. By uncovering not only the organisational tangle, the techniques and evolving aims of British wartime propaganda, but also its relation to military strategy and diplomacy, the set of beliefs about the region and its peoples, moral issues and planning for the post-war period the book provides a fascinating insight into the multiple meanings of propaganda and its effectiveness in specific wartime situations.

This work examines the background to Greek nationalist politics and its effects on public opinion towards international events and territorial claims, from the end of the Second World War to the collapse of constitutional rule in 1967. It explains how intermittent public mobilisation on various foreign policy issues created a political culture that combined elements of nationalism, religion, race and stereotypes about the national Self and the Other. The book challenges widely-held assumptions that Greek irredentism was all but dead and buried in the aftermath of the Asia Minor catastrophe of 1922, and that anti-Americanism was the product of US support for the Colonels'' regime of 1967-74 and its condoning of the Turkish occupation of northern Cyprus. It begins with an examination of the revival of irredentism in connection with Greek national claims after 1945 and the two campaigns for the union of Cyprus with Greece during the 1950s and 1960s. The second part of the study reveals anti-Americanism to be largely the result of failed post-war Greek territorial ambitions - particularly the frustration of the Enosis claim - rather than the actual intervention of the United States in Greek affairs. Drawing on a huge variety of sources including the Greek press, records of the Greek Parliament, the US and British National Archives, as well the archives of numerous individuals, this book provides a fascinating account of Greek political culture and national self image at a crucial time in the country''s political development.

This work examines the background to Greek nationalist politics and its effects on public opinion towards international events and territorial claims, from the end of the Second World War to the collapse of constitutional rule in 1967. It explains how intermittent public mobilisation on various foreign policy issues created a political culture that combined elements of nationalism, religion, race and stereotypes about the national Self and the Other. The book challenges widely-held assumptions that Greek irredentism was all but dead and buried in the aftermath of the Asia Minor catastrophe of 1922, and that anti-Americanism was the product of US support for the Colonels'' regime of 1967-74 and its condoning of the Turkish occupation of northern Cyprus. It begins with an examination of the revival of irredentism in connection with Greek national claims after 1945 and the two campaigns for the union of Cyprus with Greece during the 1950s and 1960s. The second part of the study reveals anti-Americanism to be largely the result of failed post-war Greek territorial ambitions - particularly the frustration of the Enosis claim - rather than the actual intervention of the United States in Greek affairs. Drawing on a huge variety of sources including the Greek press, records of the Greek Parliament, the US and British National Archives, as well the archives of numerous individuals, this book provides a fascinating account of Greek political culture and national self image at a crucial time in the country''s political development.