This book updates the 1989 volume ''Caribbean in World Affairs'' providing a comprehensive and theoretically-grounded account of diplomatic developments in the Caribbean. The new material includes attention to the changed global setting, updated theoretical developments in foreign policy, and the inclusion of Haiti and Suriname.

This book is intended not so much to supply new information concerning the external activities of the English-speaking Caribbean countries as to fill a large gap in the growing literature on the subject by integrating the known information into an analytical framework or model as a first step toward theory building. As such, the book complements the descriptive works on the Caribbean that are already available or in production. The book is also intended to reach the broader audience of those interested in small-state foreign policy in general, that is, those persons to whom the formulation of a model is useful in facilitating comparisons with other countries of similar size. Note that the aim is not to build a "grand theory" of small-state or Caribbean foreign policy, but rather to modify existing middle-range theories of international relations to suit the Caribbean region.

The expiration in 1982 of the Protocol of Port-of-Spain reheated a border dispute between Venezuela and Guyana that had been frozen since 1970, Almost at once, Venezuelan ultranationalists asserted the need to recover by force the Essequibo region of Guyana--two-thirds of that country--which Venezuela had long claimed. While rejecting force as a solution, the Venezuelan government has indicated that the Protocol will not be renewed, thus pushing the economically and politically vulnerable Guyana toward new and uncertain negotiations. This book describes the actors and their stake in the conflict, the capacity of each to develop the disputed region, and the implications of the Venezuelan claim for both sides. Incorporating a critical examination of the conflict's historical-legal background, Dr. Braveboy-Wagner chronicles the progress of the dispute through its various stages and describes the attempts of both sides to elicit outside support, especially from other Third World nations. Finally, she assesses the possibilities for a solution by force and by compromise and considers the potential for U.S. involvement.

Offering a description and analysis of the external relations of the 12 independent English-speaking nations of the Caribbean - the largest bloc of small states in Latin America - this text investigates how these states establish and implement policies for security, economic development and regional influence, and how they respond to crises. It als

The expiration in 1982 of the Protocol of Port-of-Spain reheated a border dispute between Venezuela and Guyana that had been frozen since 1970, Almost at once, Venezuelan ultranationalists asserted the need to recover by force the Essequibo region of Guyana--two-thirds of that country--which Venezuela had long claimed. While rejecting force as a solution, the Venezuelan government has indicated that the Protocol will not be renewed, thus pushing the economically and politically vulnerable Guyana toward new and uncertain negotiations. This book describes the actors and their stake in the conflict, the capacity of each to develop the disputed region, and the implications of the Venezuelan claim for both sides. Incorporating a critical examination of the conflict's historical-legal background, Dr. Braveboy-Wagner chronicles the progress of the dispute through its various stages and describes the attempts of both sides to elicit outside support, especially from other Third World nations. Finally, she assesses the possibilities for a solution by force and by compromise and considers the potential for U.S. involvement.

The expiration in 1982 of the Protocol of Port-of-Spain reheated a border dispute between Venezuela and Guyana that had been frozen since 1970, Almost at once, Venezuelan ultranationalists asserted the need to recover by force the Essequibo region of Guyana--two-thirds of that country--which Venezuela had long claimed. While rejecting force as a solution, the Venezuelan government has indicated that the Protocol will not be renewed, thus pushing the economically and politically vulnerable Guyana toward new and uncertain negotiations. This book describes the actors and their stake in the conflict, the capacity of each to develop the disputed region, and the implications of the Venezuelan claim for both sides. Incorporating a critical examination of the conflict''s historical-legal background, Dr. Braveboy-Wagner chronicles the progress of the dispute through its various stages and describes the attempts of both sides to elicit outside support, especially from other Third World nations. Finally, she assesses the possibilities for a solution by force and by compromise and considers the potential for U.S. involvement.

This book is intended not so much to supply new information concerning the external activities of the English-speaking Caribbean countries as to fill a large gap in the growing literature on the subject by integrating the known information into an analytical framework or model as a first step toward theory building. As such, the book complements the descriptive works on the Caribbean that are already available or in production. The book is also intended to reach the broader audience of those interested in small-state foreign policy in general, that is, those persons to whom the formulation of a model is useful in facilitating comparisons with other countries of similar size. Note that the aim is not to build a "grand theory" of small-state or Caribbean foreign policy, but rather to modify existing middle-range theories of international relations to suit the Caribbean region.

The expiration in 1982 of the Protocol of Port-of-Spain reheated a border dispute between Venezuela and Guyana that had been frozen since 1970, Almost at once, Venezuelan ultranationalists asserted the need to recover by force the Essequibo region of Guyana--two-thirds of that country--which Venezuela had long claimed. While rejecting force as a solution, the Venezuelan government has indicated that the Protocol will not be renewed, thus pushing the economically and politically vulnerable Guyana toward new and uncertain negotiations. This book describes the actors and their stake in the conflict, the capacity of each to develop the disputed region, and the implications of the Venezuelan claim for both sides. Incorporating a critical examination of the conflict''s historical-legal background, Dr. Braveboy-Wagner chronicles the progress of the dispute through its various stages and describes the attempts of both sides to elicit outside support, especially from other Third World nations. Finally, she assesses the possibilities for a solution by force and by compromise and considers the potential for U.S. involvement.

This book is intended not so much to supply new information concerning the external activities of the English-speaking Caribbean countries as to fill a large gap in the growing literature on the subject by integrating the known information into an analytical framework or model as a first step toward theory building. As such, the book complements the descriptive works on the Caribbean that are already available or in production. The book is also intended to reach the broader audience of those interested in small-state foreign policy in general, that is, those persons to whom the formulation of a model is useful in facilitating comparisons with other countries of similar size. Note that the aim is not to build a "grand theory" of small-state or Caribbean foreign policy, but rather to modify existing middle-range theories of international relations to suit the Caribbean region.

This book updates the 1989 volume 'Caribbean in World Affairs' providing a comprehensive and theoretically-grounded account of diplomatic developments in the Caribbean. The new material includes attention to the changed global setting, updated theoretical developments in foreign policy, and the inclusion of Haiti and Suriname.

This book updates the 1989 volume ''Caribbean in World Affairs'' providing a comprehensive and theoretically-grounded account of diplomatic developments in the Caribbean. The new material includes attention to the changed global setting, updated theoretical developments in foreign policy, and the inclusion of Haiti and Suriname.

This book is intended not so much to supply new information concerning the external activities of the English-speaking Caribbean countries as to fill a large gap in the growing literature on the subject by integrating the known information into an analytical framework or model as a first step toward theory building. As such, the book complements the descriptive works on the Caribbean that are already available or in production. The book is also intended to reach the broader audience of those interested in small-state foreign policy in general, that is, those persons to whom the formulation of a model is useful in facilitating comparisons with other countries of similar size. Note that the aim is not to build a "grand theory" of small-state or Caribbean foreign policy, but rather to modify existing middle-range theories of international relations to suit the Caribbean region.

The expiration in 1982 of the Protocol of Port-of-Spain reheated a border dispute between Venezuela and Guyana that had been frozen since 1970, Almost at once, Venezuelan ultranationalists asserted the need to recover by force the Essequibo region of Guyana--two-thirds of that country--which Venezuela had long claimed. While rejecting force as a solution, the Venezuelan government has indicated that the Protocol will not be renewed, thus pushing the economically and politically vulnerable Guyana toward new and uncertain negotiations. This book describes the actors and their stake in the conflict, the capacity of each to develop the disputed region, and the implications of the Venezuelan claim for both sides. Incorporating a critical examination of the conflict's historical-legal background, Dr. Braveboy-Wagner chronicles the progress of the dispute through its various stages and describes the attempts of both sides to elicit outside support, especially from other Third World nations. Finally, she assesses the possibilities for a solution by force and by compromise and considers the potential for U.S. involvement.

Offering a description and analysis of the external relations of the 12 independent English-speaking nations of the Caribbean - the largest bloc of small states in Latin America - this text investigates how these states establish and implement policies for security, economic development and regional influence, and how they respond to crises. It als

The expiration in 1982 of the Protocol of Port-of-Spain reheated a border dispute between Venezuela and Guyana that had been frozen since 1970, Almost at once, Venezuelan ultranationalists asserted the need to recover by force the Essequibo region of Guyana--two-thirds of that country--which Venezuela had long claimed. While rejecting force as a solution, the Venezuelan government has indicated that the Protocol will not be renewed, thus pushing the economically and politically vulnerable Guyana toward new and uncertain negotiations. This book describes the actors and their stake in the conflict, the capacity of each to develop the disputed region, and the implications of the Venezuelan claim for both sides. Incorporating a critical examination of the conflict's historical-legal background, Dr. Braveboy-Wagner chronicles the progress of the dispute through its various stages and describes the attempts of both sides to elicit outside support, especially from other Third World nations. Finally, she assesses the possibilities for a solution by force and by compromise and considers the potential for U.S. involvement.

The expiration in 1982 of the Protocol of Port-of-Spain reheated a border dispute between Venezuela and Guyana that had been frozen since 1970, Almost at once, Venezuelan ultranationalists asserted the need to recover by force the Essequibo region of Guyana--two-thirds of that country--which Venezuela had long claimed. While rejecting force as a solution, the Venezuelan government has indicated that the Protocol will not be renewed, thus pushing the economically and politically vulnerable Guyana toward new and uncertain negotiations. This book describes the actors and their stake in the conflict, the capacity of each to develop the disputed region, and the implications of the Venezuelan claim for both sides. Incorporating a critical examination of the conflict''s historical-legal background, Dr. Braveboy-Wagner chronicles the progress of the dispute through its various stages and describes the attempts of both sides to elicit outside support, especially from other Third World nations. Finally, she assesses the possibilities for a solution by force and by compromise and considers the potential for U.S. involvement.

This book is intended not so much to supply new information concerning the external activities of the English-speaking Caribbean countries as to fill a large gap in the growing literature on the subject by integrating the known information into an analytical framework or model as a first step toward theory building. As such, the book complements the descriptive works on the Caribbean that are already available or in production. The book is also intended to reach the broader audience of those interested in small-state foreign policy in general, that is, those persons to whom the formulation of a model is useful in facilitating comparisons with other countries of similar size. Note that the aim is not to build a "grand theory" of small-state or Caribbean foreign policy, but rather to modify existing middle-range theories of international relations to suit the Caribbean region.

The expiration in 1982 of the Protocol of Port-of-Spain reheated a border dispute between Venezuela and Guyana that had been frozen since 1970, Almost at once, Venezuelan ultranationalists asserted the need to recover by force the Essequibo region of Guyana--two-thirds of that country--which Venezuela had long claimed. While rejecting force as a solution, the Venezuelan government has indicated that the Protocol will not be renewed, thus pushing the economically and politically vulnerable Guyana toward new and uncertain negotiations. This book describes the actors and their stake in the conflict, the capacity of each to develop the disputed region, and the implications of the Venezuelan claim for both sides. Incorporating a critical examination of the conflict''s historical-legal background, Dr. Braveboy-Wagner chronicles the progress of the dispute through its various stages and describes the attempts of both sides to elicit outside support, especially from other Third World nations. Finally, she assesses the possibilities for a solution by force and by compromise and considers the potential for U.S. involvement.

This book is intended not so much to supply new information concerning the external activities of the English-speaking Caribbean countries as to fill a large gap in the growing literature on the subject by integrating the known information into an analytical framework or model as a first step toward theory building. As such, the book complements the descriptive works on the Caribbean that are already available or in production. The book is also intended to reach the broader audience of those interested in small-state foreign policy in general, that is, those persons to whom the formulation of a model is useful in facilitating comparisons with other countries of similar size. Note that the aim is not to build a "grand theory" of small-state or Caribbean foreign policy, but rather to modify existing middle-range theories of international relations to suit the Caribbean region.

This book updates the 1989 volume 'Caribbean in World Affairs' providing a comprehensive and theoretically-grounded account of diplomatic developments in the Caribbean. The new material includes attention to the changed global setting, updated theoretical developments in foreign policy, and the inclusion of Haiti and Suriname.