Jan Orbie – författare

This volume provides a comprehensive account of the European Union’s social role in the world, assessing the EU’s ability to shape the social aspect of globalization from both law and political science perspectives.

Focusing explicitly on the EU, the authors address the extent of coherence between the Union’s international social objectives compared with the activities of the International Labour Organization (ILO) and with other EU foreign policy goals. Various dimensions of Europe’s global social role are addressed, including:

The European Union and the Social Dimension of Globalization will be of strong interest to students and researchers in EU studies, Globalization studies, and Social Policy.

This volume provides a comprehensive account of the European Union’s social role in the world, assessing the EU’s ability to shape the social aspect of globalization from both law and political science perspectives.

Focusing explicitly on the EU, the authors address the extent of coherence between the Union’s international social objectives compared with the activities of the International Labour Organization (ILO) and with other EU foreign policy goals. Various dimensions of Europe’s global social role are addressed, including:

The European Union and the Social Dimension of Globalization will be of strong interest to students and researchers in EU studies, Globalization studies, and Social Policy.

The ‘Everything But Arms’ (EBA) regulation of the European Union (EU) has been hailed as a groundbreaking initiative for developing countries. Since 2001 EBA grants almost completely liberalized access to the European market for products from the least-developed countries (LDCs). It quickly became the most symbolic European trade initiative towards the Third World since the first Lomé Convention in the 1970s.

Given its central position in EU discourse and its continuing relevance for the European and international trade agenda, this book attempts to present a thorough analysis of EBA. ‘European Union Trade Politics and Development’ contains contributions from a diverse range of scholars who collectively present a comprehensive picture of EBA. This volume also contains a broader analysis of EU trade politics towards the South, focusing on agricultural policy reform, Europe’s evolving relationship with ACP countries (ex-colonies from Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific), it links EBA with Europe’s negotiating position within the World Trade Organization. Contributions to this volume also consider the continuing negotiation leverage of EBA within the Doha Development Agenda, make comparisons with United States trade policy vis-à-vis the LDCs, and focus on the economic effectiveness of EBA in terms of its stated objectives as well as on the institutional skirmishing within the EU.

The ‘Everything But Arms’ (EBA) regulation of the European Union (EU) has been hailed as a groundbreaking initiative for developing countries. Since 2001 EBA grants almost completely liberalized access to the European market for products from the least-developed countries (LDCs). It quickly became the most symbolic European trade initiative towards the Third World since the first Lomé Convention in the 1970s.

Given its central position in EU discourse and its continuing relevance for the European and international trade agenda, this book attempts to present a thorough analysis of EBA. ‘European Union Trade Politics and Development’ contains contributions from a diverse range of scholars who collectively present a comprehensive picture of EBA. This volume also contains a broader analysis of EU trade politics towards the South, focusing on agricultural policy reform, Europe’s evolving relationship with ACP countries (ex-colonies from Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific), it links EBA with Europe’s negotiating position within the World Trade Organization. Contributions to this volume also consider the continuing negotiation leverage of EBA within the Doha Development Agenda, make comparisons with United States trade policy vis-à-vis the LDCs, and focus on the economic effectiveness of EBA in terms of its stated objectives as well as on the institutional skirmishing within the EU.

This book examines the substance of European Union (EU) democracy promotion by comparing it with norms of governance that other international actors promote, among them the United Nations, the United States, the Central and East European EU member states, Russia, China and non-governmental organizations. It aims is to gain a better understanding of the EU’s democracy promotion agenda and to learn more about the (in)distinctiveness of the norms diffused by the EU. Building on a common conceptual chapter, the contributions follow different theoretical approaches and research designs, and focus on a diversity of case studies. The book concludes that in comparison with other international actors, the EU’s conceptual approach to democracy promotion is diffuse, which in turn makes the EU a particularly flexible but also ‘technical’ democracy promoter when it comes to implementation. At the same time, there are limits to flexibility at the level of concepts and frames. This indicates a distinct character of the substance of EU democracy promotion, which can be linked to the nature of the EU polity.

This book was published as a special issue of the Cambridge Review of International Affairs.

This book examines the substance of European Union (EU) democracy promotion by comparing it with norms of governance that other international actors promote, among them the United Nations, the United States, the Central and East European EU member states, Russia, China and non-governmental organizations. It aims is to gain a better understanding of the EU’s democracy promotion agenda and to learn more about the (in)distinctiveness of the norms diffused by the EU. Building on a common conceptual chapter, the contributions follow different theoretical approaches and research designs, and focus on a diversity of case studies. The book concludes that in comparison with other international actors, the EU’s conceptual approach to democracy promotion is diffuse, which in turn makes the EU a particularly flexible but also ‘technical’ democracy promoter when it comes to implementation. At the same time, there are limits to flexibility at the level of concepts and frames. This indicates a distinct character of the substance of EU democracy promotion, which can be linked to the nature of the EU polity.

This book was published as a special issue of the Cambridge Review of International Affairs.

This volume offers new perspectives on the evolution of the trade–development nexus in the European Union against dramatic changes in the international context. Without disregarding them, it seeks to go beyond the controversial and extensively researched Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). In particular, it focuses on the reform of the Generalised System of Preferences, the negotiation of various Preferential Trade Agreements, the application of trade sanctions, the allegedly ambitious agendas on decent work, Aid for Trade and aid untying, and the implications of the changing balance of power in global economic relations. Taking diverse approaches and, at times, reaching different conclusions, contributors directly or indirectly address one or more of the three general themes of the book: differentiation, coherence, and norms.

This book was published as a special issue of Contemporary Politics.

This volume offers new perspectives on the evolution of the trade–development nexus in the European Union against dramatic changes in the international context. Without disregarding them, it seeks to go beyond the controversial and extensively researched Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). In particular, it focuses on the reform of the Generalised System of Preferences, the negotiation of various Preferential Trade Agreements, the application of trade sanctions, the allegedly ambitious agendas on decent work, Aid for Trade and aid untying, and the implications of the changing balance of power in global economic relations. Taking diverse approaches and, at times, reaching different conclusions, contributors directly or indirectly address one or more of the three general themes of the book: differentiation, coherence, and norms.

This book was published as a special issue of Contemporary Politics.

Despite the growing academic interest in the development policy of the European Union (EU) and the booming literature on Europeanisation, the impact of Europe on national development policies has largely been overlooked. By exploring Member State interactions with and through the EU level across a number of different issues, this volume looks to herald a new research agenda. The picture emerging from the empirical evidence is that of modest degrees of Europeanisation. Resistance to Europe can be attributed to different factors, some operating at the domestic level (e.g. established cultural and normative structures, different types of veto players) and others related to the existence of several groupings with alternative policy prescriptions (e.g. Nordic donors, like-minded countries, former colonial powers). Even where there are signs of convergence (or divergence) between the development policies of the various Member States, they may be due to other influences rather than pressures coming from the EU. This book was originally published as a special issue of European Politics and Society.

Despite the growing academic interest in the development policy of the European Union (EU) and the booming literature on Europeanisation, the impact of Europe on national development policies has largely been overlooked. By exploring Member State interactions with and through the EU level across a number of different issues, this volume looks to herald a new research agenda. The picture emerging from the empirical evidence is that of modest degrees of Europeanisation. Resistance to Europe can be attributed to different factors, some operating at the domestic level (e.g. established cultural and normative structures, different types of veto players) and others related to the existence of several groupings with alternative policy prescriptions (e.g. Nordic donors, like-minded countries, former colonial powers). Even where there are signs of convergence (or divergence) between the development policies of the various Member States, they may be due to other influences rather than pressures coming from the EU. This book was originally published as a special issue of European Politics and Society.