Jill Hills – författare
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Jill Hills picks up from her pathbreaking study The Struggle for Control of Global Communication: The Formative Century to continue her examination of the political, technological, and economic forces at work in the global telecommunications market from World War II to the World Trade Organization agreement of 1997. In the late twentieth century, focus shifted from the creation and development of global communication markets to their intense regulation. The historical framework behind this control--where the market was regulated, by what institution, controlled by what power, and to whose benefit--masterfully complements Hills''s analysis of power relations within the global communications arena.
Hills documents attempts by governments to direct, replace, and bypass international telecommunications institutions. As she shows, the results have offered indirect control over foreign domestic markets, government management of private corporations, and government protection of its own domestic communication market. Hills reveals that the motivation behind these powerful, regulatory efforts on person-to-person communication lies in the unmatched importance of communication in the world economy.
As ownership of communications infrastructure becomes more valuable, governments have scrambled to shape international guidelines. Hills provides insight into struggles between U.S. policymakers and the rest of the world, illustrating the conflict between a growing telecommunications empire and sovereign states that are free to implement policy changes. Freshly detailing the interplay between U.S. federal regulation and economic power, Hills fosters a deep understanding of contemporary systems of power in global communications.
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Tracing the development of communication markets and the regulation of international communications from the 1840s through World War I, Jill Hills examines the political, technological, and economic forces at work during the formative century of global communication.
Hills analyzes power relations within the arena of global communications from the inception of the telegraph through the successive technologies of submarine telegraph cables, ship-to-shore wireless, broadcast radio, shortwave wireless, the telephone, and movies with sound. As she shows, global communication began to overtake transportation as an economic, political, and social force after the inception of the telegraph, which shifted communications from national to international. From that point on, information was a commodity and ownership of the communications infrastructure became valuable as the means of distributing information. The struggle for control of that infrastructure occurred in part because British control of communications hindered the growing economic power of the United States.
Hills outlines the technological advancements and regulations that allowed the United States to challenge British hegemony and enter the global communications market. She demonstrates that control of global communication was part of a complex web of relations between and within the government and corporations of Britain and the United States. Detailing the interplay between American federal regulation and economic power, Hills shows how these forces shaped communications technologies and illuminates the contemporary systems of power in global communications.
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Prior to publication there had been little study of the political role of women. Gender had been seen only as a background variable in social surveys of political behaviour, and women had rarely been extensively or separately considered. Now, in essays specially written for this volume, first published in 1981, the authors map out the political behaviour of women in twenty ‘industrially developed’ countries, bringing together and analysing contemporary material on a variety of topics, such as voting, standing for public office, entering the political elite, and engaging in political activity outside the formal structures of government.
In each chapter the history of women’s political activity is outlined, from the first movements for female suffrage and emancipation to the new political involvement occasioned by the women’s movements of the 1970s. The impact of differing political systems on the experience of women is considered, and some striking similarities and differences are pointed out.
It has been generally agreed that women’s participation in politics has been less than that of men, although reasons postulated for this have varied widely. The essays in this book offer further suggestions in this area, while charting a steady increase in activity by women in all political spheres as feminism politicises issues previously restricted to private or male-dominated spheres and women become increasingly concerned to participate in the political process. The authors indicate current trends and explode prevailing myths and the ‘second electorate’, and they suggest future possibilities, both for Political Woman and the Political Science which must take account of feminist political activity.
Students of social and political science, readers seeking comprehensive, cross-national coverage of party and election data, and all interested women will find the book to be a mine of information and a rare and readable picture of half the world’s electorate.
584 kr
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Prior to publication there had been little study of the political role of women. Gender had been seen only as a background variable in social surveys of political behaviour, and women had rarely been extensively or separately considered. Now, in essays specially written for this volume, first published in 1981, the authors map out the political behaviour of women in twenty ‘industrially developed’ countries, bringing together and analysing contemporary material on a variety of topics, such as voting, standing for public office, entering the political elite, and engaging in political activity outside the formal structures of government.
In each chapter the history of women’s political activity is outlined, from the first movements for female suffrage and emancipation to the new political involvement occasioned by the women’s movements of the 1970s. The impact of differing political systems on the experience of women is considered, and some striking similarities and differences are pointed out.
It has been generally agreed that women’s participation in politics has been less than that of men, although reasons postulated for this have varied widely. The essays in this book offer further suggestions in this area, while charting a steady increase in activity by women in all political spheres as feminism politicises issues previously restricted to private or male-dominated spheres and women become increasingly concerned to participate in the political process. The authors indicate current trends and explode prevailing myths and the ‘second electorate’, and they suggest future possibilities, both for Political Woman and the Political Science which must take account of feminist political activity.
Students of social and political science, readers seeking comprehensive, cross-national coverage of party and election data, and all interested women will find the book to be a mine of information and a rare and readable picture of half the world’s electorate.
2 045 kr
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1 983 kr
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Published in 1984, this book reviews British industrial policy towards information technology within the context of the international trading system. It argues that the incoherence of British policy stems from the clash between its core liberal ideology and its centralised political system and that unless Britiain''s traditional liberal ideology in trade policy was abandoned within this market, Britiain was set to become a mere technological dependency of America. It discusses how the British government needed to develop effective non-tariff barriers in the form of ''industrial policy'' to minimise the political and economic costs of technological dependence.
693 kr
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Published in 1984, this book reviews British industrial policy towards information technology within the context of the international trading system. It argues that the incoherence of British policy stems from the clash between its core liberal ideology and its centralised political system and that unless Britiain''s traditional liberal ideology in trade policy was abandoned within this market, Britiain was set to become a mere technological dependency of America. It discusses how the British government needed to develop effective non-tariff barriers in the form of ''industrial policy'' to minimise the political and economic costs of technological dependence.