The Thames is liquid history'' John Burns MP (1858-1943)As the silver thread woven through Britain''s centuries, the Thames is the subject of this significant biography. Following its course, geologically and chronologically, THE THAMES will chart the growing importance of the river and some of the dramatic historic events it was central to. Since Tudor times, the Thames has been a key factor in our understanding of the British nation. At Runnymede, in a field by the river, England''s barons forced King John to sign the Magna Carta in 1215. At Tilbury, on the banks of the Thames, in 1588, Elizabeth exhorted her troops to defy the Spanish Armada. In dockland, in east London, in 1940, local residents absorbed the full fury of Hitler''s dreaded Luftwaffe. Hitler tried, and failed, to destroy the Port of London, symbol of British commercial power, reservoir of the material needed to fuel and fund the British war effort. This is a book about a river, but also about the evolution, though not always smooth, of a national identity.

First published in 1988. The years 1945-51 were crucial to the Labour Party and the Left in Britain. This elegantly written book traces the gradual and painful disillusionment of the Labour Left with the Attlee governments and analyses the alternative, more militant, programme which the Labour Left devised. Never an organised bloc, the author argues that they are best understood as Labour’s conscience – a militant tendency is the true sense of the words. This title will be of interest to scholars and students of political history.

First published in 1988. The years 1945-51 were crucial to the Labour Party and the Left in Britain. This elegantly written book traces the gradual and painful disillusionment of the Labour Left with the Attlee governments and analyses the alternative, more militant, programme which the Labour Left devised. Never an organised bloc, the author argues that they are best understood as Labour’s conscience – a militant tendency is the true sense of the words. This title will be of interest to scholars and students of political history.

First published in 1982. To study Tillett’s career is to study the modern British labour movement in its formative stages. His rhetoric and activities cast light upon some of the most important periods in labour history. In this book, not only the career of this remarkable and mercurial man is analysed, but our knowledge of the wider scene in which he played so major a role is increased. This title will be of interest to scholars and students of political history.

First published in 1982. To study Tillett’s career is to study the modern British labour movement in its formative stages. His rhetoric and activities cast light upon some of the most important periods in labour history. In this book, not only the career of this remarkable and mercurial man is analysed, but our knowledge of the wider scene in which he played so major a role is increased. This title will be of interest to scholars and students of political history.

First Published in 1982, Social Conflict and the Political Order in Modern Britain offers a selection of work on British social history done by scholars working in a distinctly American context. The authors strongly feel that the way forward in social history is not some retreat into still more detailed, apolitical history, nor a move away from social analysis back towards a study of the purely political. Rather, it seems that the most fruitful path to follow is to build upon the strengths and achievements of the previous social history with a view towards theorizing its political significance while struggling to create a new kind of political history that will be more integrally social.

The book brings important themes like Britain and the social movements; strikes and the urban hierarchy in English industrial towns; British dockers during First World War; the British Labour and the Cold War; and rethinking labour history and the importance of work. This is a must read for scholars and researchers of labour history, British history, social history and history in general.

First Published in 1982, Social Conflict and the Political Order in Modern Britain offers a selection of work on British social history done by scholars working in a distinctly American context. The authors strongly feel that the way forward in social history is not some retreat into still more detailed, apolitical history, nor a move away from social analysis back towards a study of the purely political. Rather, it seems that the most fruitful path to follow is to build upon the strengths and achievements of the previous social history with a view towards theorizing its political significance while struggling to create a new kind of political history that will be more integrally social.

The book brings important themes like Britain and the social movements; strikes and the urban hierarchy in English industrial towns; British dockers during First World War; the British Labour and the Cold War; and rethinking labour history and the importance of work. This is a must read for scholars and researchers of labour history, British history, social history and history in general.

In May 1940, with France on the verge of defeat, Britain alone stood in the path of the Nazi military juggernaut. Survival seemed to hinge on the leadership of Winston Churchill, whom the king reluctantly appointed prime minister as Germany invaded France. Churchill’s reputation as one of the great twentieth-century leaders would be forged during the coming months and years as he worked tirelessly first to rally his country and then to defeat Hitler. But Churchill—regarded as the savior of his nation, and of the entire continent—could not have done it alone.

As prizewinning historian Jonathan Schneer reveals in Ministers at War, Churchill depended on a team of powerful ministers to manage the war effort as he rallied a beleaguered nation. Selecting men from across the political spectrum—from fellow conservative Anthony Eden to leader of the opposing socialist Labor Party Clement Attlee—Churchill assembled a war cabinet that balanced competing interests and bolstered support for his national coalition government. The group possessed a potent blend of talent, ambition, and egotism. Led and encouraged by Churchill, the ministers largely set aside their differences—at least at first. As the war progressed, discord began to grow. It reached a peak in 1945. With victory seemingly assured, Churchill was forced by his minsters at war to dissolve the government and call a general election, which, in a shocking upset, he lost to his rival Attlee.

Authoritatively recasting our understanding of British high politics during World War II, Schneer shows that Churchill managed the war effort by managing his team of supremely able yet contentious cabinet members. The outcome of the war lay not only in Churchill’s individual brilliance but also in his skill as an executive and in the collective ability of men who muted their personal interests to save the world from barbarism.

During the spring and summer of 1918, with World War I still undecided, British, French and American agents in Russia developed a breathtakingly audacious plan. Led by Robert Hamilton Bruce Lockhart, a dashing, cynical, urbane thirty-year-old Scot, they conspired to overthrow Lenin’s newly established Bolshevik regime, and to install one that would continue the war against Germany on the Eastern Front. Lockhart’s confidante and chief support, with whom he engaged in a passionate love affair, was the mysterious, alluring Moura von Benkendorff, wife of a former aide-de-camp to the Tsar.

The plotters’ chief opponent was ‘Iron Felix’ Dzerzhinsky. He led the Cheka, ‘Sword and Shield’ of the Russian Revolution and forerunner of the KGB. Dzerzhinsky loved humanity—in the abstract. He believed socialism represented humanity’s best hope. To preserve and protect it he would unleash unbounded terror.

Revolutionary Russia provided the setting for the ensuing contest. In the back streets of Petrograd and Moscow, in rough gypsy cabarets, in glittering nightclubs, in cells beneath the Cheka’s Lubianka prison, the conspirators engaged in a deadly game of wits for the highest possible stakes—not merely life and death, but the outcome of a world war and the nature of Russia’s post-war regime.

Confident of success, the conspirators set the date for an uprising, September 8, 1918, but the Cheka had penetrated their organization and pounced just beforehand. The Lockhart Plot was a turning point in world history, except it failed to turn. At a time when Russian meddling in British and American politics now sounds warning bells, however, we may sense its reverberations and realize that it is still relevant.

The Thames is liquid history'' John Burns MP (1858-1943)As the silver thread woven through Britain''s centuries, the Thames is the subject of this significant biography. Following its course, geologically and chronologically, THE THAMES will chart the growing importance of the river and some of the dramatic historic events it was central to. Since Tudor times, the Thames has been a key factor in our understanding of the British nation. At Runnymede, in a field by the river, England''s barons forced King John to sign the Magna Carta in 1215. At Tilbury, on the banks of the Thames, in 1588, Elizabeth exhorted her troops to defy the Spanish Armada. In dockland, in east London, in 1940, local residents absorbed the full fury of Hitler''s dreaded Luftwaffe. Hitler tried, and failed, to destroy the Port of London, symbol of British commercial power, reservoir of the material needed to fuel and fund the British war effort. This is a book about a river, but also about the evolution, though not always smooth, of a national identity.

First published in 1988. The years 1945-51 were crucial to the Labour Party and the Left in Britain. This elegantly written book traces the gradual and painful disillusionment of the Labour Left with the Attlee governments and analyses the alternative, more militant, programme which the Labour Left devised. Never an organised bloc, the author argues that they are best understood as Labour’s conscience – a militant tendency is the true sense of the words. This title will be of interest to scholars and students of political history.

First published in 1988. The years 1945-51 were crucial to the Labour Party and the Left in Britain. This elegantly written book traces the gradual and painful disillusionment of the Labour Left with the Attlee governments and analyses the alternative, more militant, programme which the Labour Left devised. Never an organised bloc, the author argues that they are best understood as Labour’s conscience – a militant tendency is the true sense of the words. This title will be of interest to scholars and students of political history.

First published in 1982. To study Tillett’s career is to study the modern British labour movement in its formative stages. His rhetoric and activities cast light upon some of the most important periods in labour history. In this book, not only the career of this remarkable and mercurial man is analysed, but our knowledge of the wider scene in which he played so major a role is increased. This title will be of interest to scholars and students of political history.

First published in 1982. To study Tillett’s career is to study the modern British labour movement in its formative stages. His rhetoric and activities cast light upon some of the most important periods in labour history. In this book, not only the career of this remarkable and mercurial man is analysed, but our knowledge of the wider scene in which he played so major a role is increased. This title will be of interest to scholars and students of political history.

First Published in 1982, Social Conflict and the Political Order in Modern Britain offers a selection of work on British social history done by scholars working in a distinctly American context. The authors strongly feel that the way forward in social history is not some retreat into still more detailed, apolitical history, nor a move away from social analysis back towards a study of the purely political. Rather, it seems that the most fruitful path to follow is to build upon the strengths and achievements of the previous social history with a view towards theorizing its political significance while struggling to create a new kind of political history that will be more integrally social.

The book brings important themes like Britain and the social movements; strikes and the urban hierarchy in English industrial towns; British dockers during First World War; the British Labour and the Cold War; and rethinking labour history and the importance of work. This is a must read for scholars and researchers of labour history, British history, social history and history in general.

First Published in 1982, Social Conflict and the Political Order in Modern Britain offers a selection of work on British social history done by scholars working in a distinctly American context. The authors strongly feel that the way forward in social history is not some retreat into still more detailed, apolitical history, nor a move away from social analysis back towards a study of the purely political. Rather, it seems that the most fruitful path to follow is to build upon the strengths and achievements of the previous social history with a view towards theorizing its political significance while struggling to create a new kind of political history that will be more integrally social.

The book brings important themes like Britain and the social movements; strikes and the urban hierarchy in English industrial towns; British dockers during First World War; the British Labour and the Cold War; and rethinking labour history and the importance of work. This is a must read for scholars and researchers of labour history, British history, social history and history in general.

In May 1940, with France on the verge of defeat, Britain alone stood in the path of the Nazi military juggernaut. Survival seemed to hinge on the leadership of Winston Churchill, whom the king reluctantly appointed prime minister as Germany invaded France. Churchill’s reputation as one of the great twentieth-century leaders would be forged during the coming months and years as he worked tirelessly first to rally his country and then to defeat Hitler. But Churchill—regarded as the savior of his nation, and of the entire continent—could not have done it alone.

As prizewinning historian Jonathan Schneer reveals in Ministers at War, Churchill depended on a team of powerful ministers to manage the war effort as he rallied a beleaguered nation. Selecting men from across the political spectrum—from fellow conservative Anthony Eden to leader of the opposing socialist Labor Party Clement Attlee—Churchill assembled a war cabinet that balanced competing interests and bolstered support for his national coalition government. The group possessed a potent blend of talent, ambition, and egotism. Led and encouraged by Churchill, the ministers largely set aside their differences—at least at first. As the war progressed, discord began to grow. It reached a peak in 1945. With victory seemingly assured, Churchill was forced by his minsters at war to dissolve the government and call a general election, which, in a shocking upset, he lost to his rival Attlee.

Authoritatively recasting our understanding of British high politics during World War II, Schneer shows that Churchill managed the war effort by managing his team of supremely able yet contentious cabinet members. The outcome of the war lay not only in Churchill’s individual brilliance but also in his skill as an executive and in the collective ability of men who muted their personal interests to save the world from barbarism.

During the spring and summer of 1918, with World War I still undecided, British, French and American agents in Russia developed a breathtakingly audacious plan. Led by Robert Hamilton Bruce Lockhart, a dashing, cynical, urbane thirty-year-old Scot, they conspired to overthrow Lenin’s newly established Bolshevik regime, and to install one that would continue the war against Germany on the Eastern Front. Lockhart’s confidante and chief support, with whom he engaged in a passionate love affair, was the mysterious, alluring Moura von Benkendorff, wife of a former aide-de-camp to the Tsar.

The plotters’ chief opponent was ‘Iron Felix’ Dzerzhinsky. He led the Cheka, ‘Sword and Shield’ of the Russian Revolution and forerunner of the KGB. Dzerzhinsky loved humanity—in the abstract. He believed socialism represented humanity’s best hope. To preserve and protect it he would unleash unbounded terror.

Revolutionary Russia provided the setting for the ensuing contest. In the back streets of Petrograd and Moscow, in rough gypsy cabarets, in glittering nightclubs, in cells beneath the Cheka’s Lubianka prison, the conspirators engaged in a deadly game of wits for the highest possible stakes—not merely life and death, but the outcome of a world war and the nature of Russia’s post-war regime.

Confident of success, the conspirators set the date for an uprising, September 8, 1918, but the Cheka had penetrated their organization and pounced just beforehand. The Lockhart Plot was a turning point in world history, except it failed to turn. At a time when Russian meddling in British and American politics now sounds warning bells, however, we may sense its reverberations and realize that it is still relevant.