Julia Heise – författare

Essay from the year 2005 in the subject Politics - Topic: Public International Law and Human Rights, grade: 1,5, University of Edinburgh, language: English, abstract: During the last few decades, growing attention has been paid to the enforcement (and the prevention of the abuse) of fundamental human rights, mainly facilitated by the International Human Rights Regime. Moreover, human rights-issues are increasingly subject to a controversial international debate, especially in the light of continuous globalisation, events such as 9/11 and rising cross-cultural communication. One specific discussion-point concerns 'Islam and Human Rights', the crux of the matter being the compatibility of Islamic normative values with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). Every scholar who approaches this debate more profoundly automatically comes across with the Universalist/Cultural- Relativist-debate. These academics go a step further. They are concerned with the evaluation of the compatibility-analysis and discuss the validity and consequences of such an analysis.1 However, the following paper operates independently of the Universalist/Relativist debate. The aim is to explore the compatibility of the Islamic tradition with the Universal Declaration, and the author believes that the most appropriate approach is an objective comparison, without judging the result of the analysis in any way. 2 The first and second section sketch the basic characteristics of the UDHR and Islam. An understanding of both doctrines is a necessary tool for the purpose of this essay. The third part analyses the compatibility of both doctrines on two levels. The essay then outlines the diverse Muslim positions regarding human rights in Islam. This is essential to be able to draw a sound conclusion concerning the compatibility of Islam with the UDHR, in the last section. 1 Universalists maintain the validity of the UDHR-doctrine and often criticise the Islamic- or other traditions on grounds of their non-conformity with the International Bill of Human Rights. Cultural Relativists, on the other hand, argue that the doctrine of universal human rights is challenged by different moral claims derived from different cultural contexts. Compare Jones (2001:51-76), Brown (1999:103-127), Pollis (2000:9-30), Schmale (1993:3-27), Rusen (1993:28-46), Donelly (1998: 1-23) and Huntington (1997). 2 Also, the term 'compatibility' does not imply a notion of superiority (of one over the other doctrine) in this context.

Essay from the year 2004 in the subject Politics - Topic: Peace and Conflict, Security, grade: 1,8, University of Edinburgh, language: English, abstract: Especially since the post-1945 era and the United Nations-establishment, international political theory has been concerned with the topic of humanitarian intervention and a complex debate, touching principles of international society and our human existence, has emerged. It focuses on two levels: the traditional debate is concerned with the arguments for and against intervention in relation to the principles of sovereignty, non-intervention and non-use of force versus global human rights norms. The critical approach to humanitarian intervention moves beyond the classical debate and its limits in providing new aspects.1 Additionally, the international society recently has to deal with lots of problems. 9/11 and the war in Iraq have given rise to new challenges and terrorism prescribes a new and unique dimension for humanitarian intervention. This essay aims to provide a clearer understanding of current issues and the complex debate concerning humanitarian intervention. Due to lack of space it can only give a rough overview about the topic. Thus it first offers a definition of humanitarian intervention and a brief historical overview about the UN. Secondly, it deals with the classical debate and related issues. The third section is concerned with critical approaches to and new ways of looking at intervention. The essay concludes by offering possible solutions to the debate. 1 The complexity of the debate has been perfectly expressed by Hoffman: "e;The very act of intervention and non-intervention and the justification offered tells us a great deal - about how we conceive of ourselves, how we construct our identities and how we conceive of and construct the world in which we live."e; (1993: 194)

Essay from the year 2004 in the subject Politics - Topic: European Union, grade: 1,5, University of Edinburgh, language: English, abstract: The European Union (EU) is a hybrid and unique body, which "e;(...) does not fit with many of our preconceived notions of how politics is organized."e; (Cini, 2003-(a):1) Two aspects contribute to its "e;distinctiveness"e;: First, the EU has a two- level nature: it combines supranational with intergovernmental features. Supranationalism is defined as "e;(...) the existence of an authority that is 'higher' than that of the nation state and capable of imposing its will upon it."e; (Heywood, 2000, 259). Applied to the EU, this definition would only concern the supranational EU- institutions. But supranationalism also refers to the common interests of the Union as a whole, and to most policy-areas, which are under the authority of the EU. The intergovernmental EU-level is characterised by the dominance of state-sovereignty. It relates to some EU-policy-areas and particularly to the special role of the 25 EU-member states, which have considerable influence within the Union. Both EU- levels have been subject to two different EU- integration theories. Neo- functionalism explains the creation and importance of a supranational stage with its core-concept of spillover. Intergovernmentalism is characterized by its state-centrism and focus on sovereignty. The second unique aspect of the EU, related to the first, is the complex EU-policy-making process. Legislation, developed by the EU- institutions, has to be implemented on a national level. Particularly the European Commission and the Council of the EU are main actors in policy-making. In this process, the Commission explicitly represents the Union's interests and is thus referred to as supranational. The Council shows strong intergovernmental characteristics. It acts on behalf of the sovereign EU-member states and therefore has considerable influence in policy-making. [...]

Essay from the year 2005 in the subject Politics - Topic: European Union, grade: 1,0, University of Edinburgh, course: The European Union in International Affairs, language: English, abstract: Relations with developing countries are a long-established part of the European Union's external affairs and the "e;(...) EU's contributions to international development are not only unsurpassed but have become the standard against which the rest of the world measures itself and is judged."e; (Babarinde, 1998: 128).1 For most of the past 40 years the ACP-countries have been at the heart of EU-development affairs. Yet, several factors, mainly caused by the end of the Cold War, contributed to the transformation of the Union's development policy in general. The following paper analyses how and why the EU's external policies have changed towards developing countries, thereby focusing on the ACP-EU relationship. Section one discusses the evolution of the Union's development policy. The Yaounde- and Lome-agreements are examined in the subsequent sections. Section four then analyses the developments that led to the most fundamental transformation of the Union's development policy- the Cotonou Agreement, which will be subject to the last section. The paper concludes by evaluating the transformation of EU-development policy in general. 1 The Union's significance as an international actor regarding development policy is for example underlined by agreements with the World Bank or the United Nations Development Programme to produce common development strategies. (Bretherton and Vogler, 1999: 109). In the late 1990s the EC and its Member States accounted for 60 percent of the world aid. Also see European Union (2000) and Grilli (1993).

Essay from the year 2005 in the subject Politics - Topic: European Union, grade: 1,3, University of Edinburgh, course: The European Union in International Affairs, language: English, abstract: The EU plays a multiplicity of roles in a range of policy areas in the international system1 and the global context is increasingly seen as the stage on which the Union must act.2 However, the EU is not a traditional global actor -it has a rather distinctive and unique international identity due to its institutional structure and decision- making procedures. Several theories have attempted to grasp this unique identity and are concerned with the question of how significant a global actor the Union is. The following paper assesses the utility of two specific theories- "e;actorness"e; and "e;presence"e;- for conceptualising the role of the EU in one particular foreign policy-area- humanitarian assistance affairs.3 Section one examines how the concept of "e;actorness"e; can be applied to the policy-area of humanitarian assistance and evaluates the result of this analysis. The same method is used in section two that discusses the concept of "e;presence"e;. The essay concludes by comparing and reflecting on the overall utility of the two concepts. 1 Bretherton and Vogler, 1999: 15. These EU-foreign policy areas mainly include trade relations, security and defence issues, development affairs, environmental issues and humanitarian assistance. The role of the EU varies from area to area. 2 Cremona, 2004: 553. 3 Humanitarian assistance affairs fall under the portfolio of the Development-Commissioner. However, it has to be emphasized at this point that this essay exclusively deals with humanitarian assistance. On development affairs for example see Holland (2004), Santiso (2002), Brenton (2003), Grilli (1993), Babarinde/Faber (2004) and Pernice/Thym (2002).

Scientific Essay from the year 2005 in the subject Politics - Topic: Peace and Conflict, Security, grade: A (74% - 1,0), University of Edinburgh, course: International Security: The New Security Agenda, language: English, abstract: The bloody wars of secession in former Yugoslavia have been one of the greatest tragedies in the post-Cold War-period. Hardly anyone was "e;(...) entirely prepared for the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the ensuing civil war (...)."e; (Simic, 2000:103) Within a short period of time the multinational state, which had consisted of a diversity of ethnic groups that had lived together for decades, simply ceased to exist. In the cruel wars from 1991-1995 huge numbers of people were killed, ethnic cleansing was quite common. But what were the causes of the drama? Why did neighbours suddenly turn against neighbours? The Yugoslavia-wars have been subject to numerous studies that have tried to analyse the reasons for the drama. The concept of nationalism is frequently referred to in this context.1 However, nationalism does not always imply such a negative notion, it can also lead to positive developments.2 By examining the causes of conflict in former Yugoslavia one immediately finds that this case is very complex, many different factors contributed to the outbreak of the wars.3 This essay analyses the connection between nationalism and the wars in Yugoslavia by taking into account the complexity of this specific case. First, it provides a definition of nationalism and explains three nationalism-theories, followed by a brief outline of the nature of the Yugoslav state in section two. Sections three and four examine the different theories and the role of nationalism in light of the various factors and developments that led to war. The essay concludes by providing an answer to the question of whether nationalism was the main cause of the wars of secession in former Yugoslavia. 1 There are also approaches that focus on other factors than nationalism. Roe (2000) for example explains the wars in Yugoslavia with the concept of the security dilemma. However, the focus of this paper will mainly be on the nationalism-concept. 2 An example for the Velvet Revolutions are the peaceful mass demonstrations in the former GDR in 1989, which, inspired by the slogan "e;Wir sind ein Volk"e;, led to the reunification of Germany in October 1990. Heywood (2000: 256) demonstrates that nationalism can mean freedom and democracy on the one hand but also oppression, intolerance and conflict on the other. 3 At this point it has to be remarked that an explanation, which would focus on nationalism as a natural phenomenon, would simply be an oversimplification.