Jurgen Mackert – författare

On Social Closure reinvigorates the idea of social closure as a basic sociological concept for understanding the strategies powerful groups use to improve their life chances at the expense of the less powerful. Jurgen Mackert provides sociological tools for analysing three critical forms of closure in the world today: exclusion in the context of neoliberalism; exploitation within global capitalism; and elimination in the ongoing legacy of settler colonialism, thereby transcending Eurocentric analyses. Mackert puts forward a mechanism-based explanatory approach identifies two critical social mechanisms that operate in various kinds of social closure struggles. The first explains how human beings, social groups, or communities are denied access to resources, rights, or critical networks, while the second explains how the powerful exert control that leaves the less powerful vulnerable and unable to fight back. Through a critical reconsideration and revision of existing concepts and by bringing in new ones, Jurgen Mackert develops a novel theoretical approach to social closure.

On Social Closure reinvigorates the idea of social closure as a basic sociological concept for understanding the strategies powerful groups use to improve their life chances at the expense of the less powerful. Jurgen Mackert provides sociological tools for analysing three critical forms of closure in the world today: exclusion in the context of neoliberalism; exploitation within global capitalism; and elimination in the ongoing legacy of settler colonialism, thereby transcending Eurocentric analyses. Mackert puts forward a mechanism-based explanatory approach identifies two critical social mechanisms that operate in various kinds of social closure struggles. The first explains how human beings, social groups, or communities are denied access to resources, rights, or critical networks, while the second explains how the powerful exert control that leaves the less powerful vulnerable and unable to fight back. Through a critical reconsideration and revision of existing concepts and by bringing in new ones, Jurgen Mackert develops a novel theoretical approach to social closure.

Urban Change and Citizenship in Times of Crisis addresses the fact that in the beginning of the twenty-first century the majority of the world’s population is urbanised, a social fact that has turned cities more than ever into focal sites of social change. Multiple economic and political strategies, employed by a variety of individual and collective actors, on a number of scales, constitute cities as contested spaces that hold opportunities as well as restrictions for their inhabitants. While cities and urban spaces have long been of central concern for the social sciences, today, classical sociological questions about the city acquire new meaning: Can cities be spaces of emancipation, or does life in the modern city entail a corrosion of citizenship rights? Is the city the focus of societal transformation processes, or do urban environments lose importance in shaping social reality and economic relationships? Furthermore, new questions urgently need to be asked: What is the impact of different historical phenomena such as neo-liberal restructuring, financial and economic crises, or migration flows, as well as their respective counter-movements, on the structure of contemporary cities and on the citizenship rights of city inhabitants? The three volumes address such crucial questions thereby opening up new spaces of debate on both the city and new developments of urbanism.The contributions to Theories and Concepts offer new theoretical reflections on the city in a philosophical and historical perspective as well as fresh empirical analyses of social life in urban contexts. Chapters not only critically revisit classical and modern philosophical considerations about the nature of cities but no less discuss normative philosophical reflections of urban life and the role of religion in historical processes of the emergence of cities. Composed around the question whether there can be such a thing as a ‘successful city’, this volume addresses issues of urban political subjectivities by considering the city’s role in historical processes of emancipation, the fight for citizenship rights, and today’s challenges and opportunities with regard to promoting social justice, integration, and diversity. Consequentially, theory-driven empirical analyses offer new insight into ways of solving problems in urban contexts and a genuine approach to analyse the Social Quality in cities.

The contributions to Urban neo- liberalisation bring together critical analyses of the dynamics and processes neo- liberalism has facilitated in urban contexts. Recent developments, such as intensified economic investment and exposure to aggressive strategies of banks, hedge- funds and investors, and long- term processes of market- and state- led urban restructuration, have produced uneven urban geographies and new forms of exclusion and marginality. These strategies have no less transformed the governance of cities by subordinating urban social life to rationalities and practices of competition within and between cities, and they also heavily impact on city inhabitants’ experience of everyday life. Against the backdrop of recent austerity politics and a marketisation of cities, this volume discusses processes of urban neo- liberalisation with regard to democracy and citizenship, inclusion and exclusion, opportunities, and life- chances. It addresses pressing issues of commodification of housing and home, activation of civil society, vulnerability, and the right to the city.

At times of triumphant neo-liberalism cities increasingly become objects of financial speculation. Formally, social and political rights might not be abolished, yet factually they have become inaccessible for large parts of the population. The contributions gathered in this volume shed light on the clash between the perspectives of restructuring and reordering urban environments in the interest of investors and the manifold and innovative agencies of resistance that claim and stand up for the rights of urban citizenship. Renewed waves of urban transformation employ state coercion to foster the expulsion of poor and marginalised inhabitants from those urban spaces that attract interest from speculators. The intervention of state agencies triggers the work of hegemonic culture for reframing the housing issue and implementing moral and political legitimation, as well as legislation that restricts urban citizenship rights. The case studies of the volume comparatively show the different and sometimes contradictory patterns of these conflicts in Berlin, Sydney, Belfast, Jerusalem, Amsterdam, and İstanbul as well as in metropoles of Latin America and China. Innovative resistance agencies emerge that paint possible paths for the re-establishment of the right to the city as the core of urban citizenship.

Today, there is no comparable threat to Western democracies as the rise of right-wing populism. While it has played an increasing role at least since the 1990s, only the social consequences of the global financial crises in 2008 have given its break that led to UK’s ‘Brexit’ and the election of Donald Trump as US President in 2016 but also promoted what has been called left populism in countries that were hit the hardest from both the banking crisis and consequential neo-liberal austerity politics in the EU like Greece and Portugal. In 2017, the French Front National (FN) attracted many voters in the French Presidential elections; we have seen the radicalization of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) in Germany and the formation of centre-right government in Austria. Further, we have witnessed the consolidation of autocratic regimes as in the EU member states Poland and Greece. All these manifestations of right-wing populism share a common feature: they attack or even compromise the core elements of democratic societies such as the separation of powers, protection of minorities, or the rule of law. Despite a broad debate on the re-emergence of ‘populism’ in the transition from the twentieth to the twenty-first century that has brought forth many interesting findings, a lack of sociological reasoning cannot be denied as sociology itself withdrew from theorising populism decades ago and left the field to mainly political sciences and history. In a sense, Populism and the Crisis of Democracy considers itself as a contribution to start with filling this lacuna. Written in a direct and clear style, this set of volumes will be an invaluable reference for students and scholars in the field of political theory, political sociology and European Studies.

Recent years have seen contestations of democracy all around the globe. Democracy is challenged as a political as well as a normative term, and as a form of governance. Against the background of neoliberal transformation, populist mobilization, and xenophobic exclusion, but also of radical and emancipatory democratic projects, this collection offers a variety of critical and challenging perspectives on the condition of democracy in the 21st century. The volumes provide theoretical and empirical enquiries into the meaning and practice of liberal democracy, the erosion of democratic institutions, and the consequences for citizenship and everyday lives. With a pronounced focus on national and transnational politics and processes, as well as postcolonial and settler colonial contexts, individual contributions scrutinize the role of democratic societies, ideals, and ideologies of liberal democracy within global power geometries. By employing the multiple meanings of The Condition of Democracy, the collection addresses the preconditions of democratic rule, the state this form of governance is in, and the changing ways in which citizens can (still) act as the sovereign in liberal democratic societies. The books offer both challenging theoretical perspectives and rigorous empirical findings of how to conceive of democracy in our times, which will appeal to academics and students in social and political science, economics, and international relations amongst other fields. The focus on developments in the Middle East and North Africa will furthermore be of great usefulness to academics and the wider public interested in the repercussions of western democracy promotion as well as in contemporary struggles for democratization ‘from below’.During the last 50 years, liberal democracies have been exposed to a fundamental reorganization of their politico-economic structure that transformed them through the impact of neo-liberal economic doctrines focused on low taxation, free markets, and out-sourcing that have little regard in reality for democratic institutions or liberal values. The failures of the neoliberal ‘remedy’ for capitalism are now dramatically obvious through the banking crisis of 2008-2011, the increase in income inequality, the social and psychological damage caused by the austerity packages across Europe, and widespread dependence on experts whose influence over government policies typically goes without public scrutiny. While this has only accelerated the destruction of the social fabric in modern Western societies, the dramatic redistribution of wealth and an open 'politics for the rich' have also revealed the long-time well-covered alliance of the global oligarchy with the Far Right that has the effect of undermining democracy. The contributions to this volume discuss a wide variety of processes of transformation, the social consequences, dedemocratization and illiberalization of once liberal democracies through the destructive impact of neoliberal strategies. These strongly politico-economic contributions are complemented with general sociological analyses of a number of cultural aspects often neglected in analyses of democracy.

Recent years have seen contestations of democracy all around the globe. Democracy is challenged as a political as well as a normative term, and as a form of governance. Against the background of neoliberal transformation, populist mobilization, and xenophobic exclusion, but also of radical and emancipatory democratic projects, this collection offers a variety of critical and challenging perspectives on the condition of democracy in the 21st century. The volumes provide theoretical and empirical enquiries into the meaning and practice of liberal democracy, the erosion of democratic institutions, and the consequences for citizenship and everyday lives. With a pronounced focus on national and transnational politics and processes, as well as postcolonial and settler colonial contexts, individual contributions scrutinize the role of democratic societies, ideals, and ideologies of liberal democracy within global power geometries. By employing the multiple meanings of The Condition of Democracy, the collection addresses the preconditions of democratic rule, the state this form of governance is in, and the changing ways in which citizens can (still) act as the sovereign in liberal democratic societies. The books offer both challenging theoretical perspectives and rigorous empirical findings of how to conceive of democracy in our times, which will appeal to academics and students in social and political science, economics, and international relations amongst other fields. The focus on developments in the Middle East and North Africa will furthermore be of great usefulness to academics and the wider public interested in the repercussions of western democracy promotion as well as in contemporary struggles for democratization ‘from below’.During the last 50 years, liberal democracies have been exposed to a fundamental reorganization of their politico-economic structure that transformed them through the impact of neo-liberal economic doctrines focused on low taxation, free markets, and out-sourcing that have little regard in reality for democratic institutions or liberal values. The failures of the neoliberal ‘remedy’ for capitalism are now dramatically obvious through the banking crisis of 2008-2011, the increase in income inequality, the social and psychological damage caused by the austerity packages across Europe, and widespread dependence on experts whose influence over government policies typically goes without public scrutiny. While this has only accelerated the destruction of the social fabric in modern Western societies, the dramatic redistribution of wealth and an open 'politics for the rich' have also revealed the long-time well-covered alliance of the global oligarchy with the Far Right that has the effect of undermining democracy. The contributions to this volume discuss a wide variety of processes of transformation, the social consequences, dedemocratization and illiberalization of once liberal democracies through the destructive impact of neoliberal strategies. These strongly politico-economic contributions are complemented with general sociological analyses of a number of cultural aspects often neglected in analyses of democracy.

Democracy and citizenship are conceptually and empirically contested. Against the backdrop of recent and current profound transformations in and of democratic societies, this volume presents and discusses acute contestations, within and beyond national borders and boundaries. Democracy’s crucial relationships, between state and citizenry as well as amongst citizens, are rearranged and re-ordered in various spheres and arenas, impacting on core democratic principles such as accountability, legitimacy, participation and trust. This volume addresses these refigurations by bringing together empirical analyses and conceptual considerations regarding the access to and exclusion from citizenship rights in the face of migration regulation and institutional transformation, and the role of violence in maintaining or undermining social order. With its critical reflection on the consequences and repercussions of such processes for citizens’ everyday lives and for the meaning of citizenship altogether, this book transgresses disciplinary boundaries and puts into dialogue the perspectives of political theory and sociology.

Democracy and citizenship are conceptually and empirically contested. Against the backdrop of recent and current profound transformations in and of democratic societies, this volume presents and discusses acute contestations, within and beyond national borders and boundaries. Democracy’s crucial relationships, between state and citizenry as well as amongst citizens, are rearranged and re-ordered in various spheres and arenas, impacting on core democratic principles such as accountability, legitimacy, participation and trust. This volume addresses these refigurations by bringing together empirical analyses and conceptual considerations regarding the access to and exclusion from citizenship rights in the face of migration regulation and institutional transformation, and the role of violence in maintaining or undermining social order. With its critical reflection on the consequences and repercussions of such processes for citizens’ everyday lives and for the meaning of citizenship altogether, this book transgresses disciplinary boundaries and puts into dialogue the perspectives of political theory and sociology.

Classical liberal democratic theory has provided crucial ideas for a still dominant and hegemonic discourse that rests on ideological conceptions of freedom, equality, peacefulness, inclusive democratic participation, and tolerance. While this may have held some truth for citizens in Western liberal-capitalist societies, such liberal ideals have never been realized in colonial, postcolonial and settler colonial contexts. Liberal democracies are not simply forms of rule in domestic national contexts but also geo-political actors. As such, they have been the drivers of processes of global oppression, colonizing and occupying countries and people, appropriating indigenous land, annihilating people with eliminatory politics right up to genocides. There can be no doubt that the West – with its civilizational Judeo-Christian idea and divine mission ‘to subdue the world’ – has destroyed other civilizations, countries, trading systems, and traditional ways of life and is responsible for the death of hundreds of millions of human beings in the course of colonizing the world from its Empires of trade through colonialism to settler colonialism and today’s politics of regime change. The book discusses the settler colonial regime that Israel has established in Palestine while still claiming to be a democracy. It discusses the failures of liberal democracy to overcome the structural and racist inequalities in post-Apartheid South Africa, and it presents hopeful outlooks on new ideas and forms of democracy in social movements in the MENA region.

Classical liberal democratic theory has provided crucial ideas for a still dominant and hegemonic discourse that rests on ideological conceptions of freedom, equality, peacefulness, inclusive democratic participation, and tolerance. While this may have held some truth for citizens in Western liberal-capitalist societies, such liberal ideals have never been realized in colonial, postcolonial and settler colonial contexts. Liberal democracies are not simply forms of rule in domestic national contexts but also geo-political actors. As such, they have been the drivers of processes of global oppression, colonizing and occupying countries and people, appropriating indigenous land, annihilating people with eliminatory politics right up to genocides. There can be no doubt that the West – with its civilizational Judeo-Christian idea and divine mission ‘to subdue the world’ – has destroyed other civilizations, countries, trading systems, and traditional ways of life and is responsible for the death of hundreds of millions of human beings in the course of colonizing the world from its Empires of trade through colonialism to settler colonialism and today’s politics of regime change. The book discusses the settler colonial regime that Israel has established in Palestine while still claiming to be a democracy. It discusses the failures of liberal democracy to overcome the structural and racist inequalities in post-Apartheid South Africa, and it presents hopeful outlooks on new ideas and forms of democracy in social movements in the MENA region.

Recent years have seen contestations of democracy all around the globe. Democracy is challenged as a political as well as a normative term, and as a form of governance. Against the background of neoliberal transformation, populist mobilization, and xenophobic exclusion, but also of radical and emancipatory democratic projects, this collection offers a variety of critical and challenging perspectives on the condition of democracy in the 21st Century. The volumes provide theoretical and empirical enquiries into the meaning and practice of liberal democracy, the erosion of democratic institutions, and the consequences for citizenship and everyday lives. With a pronounced focus on national and transnational politics and processes, as well as postcolonial and settler-colonial contexts, individual contributions scrutinize the role of democratic societies, ideals, and ideologies of liberal democracy within global power geometries. By employing the multiple meanings of The Condition of Democracy, the collection addresses the preconditions of democratic rule, the state this form of governance is in, and the changing ways in which citizens can (still) act as the sovereign in liberal democratic societies. The books offer both challenging theoretical perspectives and rigorous empirical findings of how to conceive of democracy in our times, which will appeal to academics and students in social and political science, economics and international relations amongst other fields. The focus on developments in the Middle East and North Africa will furthermore be of great usefulness to academics and the wider public interested in the repercussions of western democracy promotion as well as in contemporary struggles for democratization ‘from below’.

This volume Boundaries of Inclusion and Exclusion examines the many different and newly emerging ways in which citizenship refers to spatial, symbolic and social boundaries. Today, in the context of citizenship we face processes of inclusion and exclusion on national and supranational level but no less on the level of groups and individuals. The book addresses these different levels and discusses processes of inclusion and exclusion with regard to spatial, social and symbolic boundaries referring to such different problems as political participation, migration, or identity with regard to religion or the EU. This book will appeal to academics working in the field of political theory, political sociology and European studies.

Urban Change and Citizenship in Times of Crisis addresses the fact that in the beginning of the twenty-first century the majority of the world’s population is urbanised, a social fact that has turned cities more than ever into focal sites of social change. Multiple economic and political strategies, employed by a variety of individual and collective actors, on a number of scales, constitute cities as contested spaces that hold opportunities as well as restrictions for their inhabitants. While cities and urban spaces have long been of central concern for the social sciences, today, classical sociological questions about the city acquire new meaning: Can cities be spaces of emancipation, or does life in the modern city entail a corrosion of citizenship rights? Is the city the focus of societal transformation processes, or do urban environments lose importance in shaping social reality and economic relationships? Furthermore, new questions urgently need to be asked: What is the impact of different historical phenomena such as neo-liberal restructuring, financial and economic crises, or migration flows, as well as their respective counter-movements, on the structure of contemporary cities and on the citizenship rights of city inhabitants? The three volumes address such crucial questions thereby opening up new spaces of debate on both the city and new developments of urbanism.The contributions to Theories and Concepts offer new theoretical reflections on the city in a philosophical and historical perspective as well as fresh empirical analyses of social life in urban contexts. Chapters not only critically revisit classical and modern philosophical considerations about the nature of cities but no less discuss normative philosophical reflections of urban life and the role of religion in historical processes of the emergence of cities. Composed around the question whether there can be such a thing as a ‘successful city’, this volume addresses issues of urban political subjectivities by considering the city’s role in historical processes of emancipation, the fight for citizenship rights, and today’s challenges and opportunities with regard to promoting social justice, integration, and diversity. Consequentially, theory-driven empirical analyses offer new insight into ways of solving problems in urban contexts and a genuine approach to analyse the Social Quality in cities.

The contributions to Urban neo- liberalisation bring together critical analyses of the dynamics and processes neo- liberalism has facilitated in urban contexts. Recent developments, such as intensified economic investment and exposure to aggressive strategies of banks, hedge- funds and investors, and long- term processes of market- and state- led urban restructuration, have produced uneven urban geographies and new forms of exclusion and marginality. These strategies have no less transformed the governance of cities by subordinating urban social life to rationalities and practices of competition within and between cities, and they also heavily impact on city inhabitants’ experience of everyday life. Against the backdrop of recent austerity politics and a marketisation of cities, this volume discusses processes of urban neo- liberalisation with regard to democracy and citizenship, inclusion and exclusion, opportunities, and life- chances. It addresses pressing issues of commodification of housing and home, activation of civil society, vulnerability, and the right to the city.

At times of triumphant neo-liberalism cities increasingly become objects of financial speculation. Formally, social and political rights might not be abolished, yet factually they have become inaccessible for large parts of the population. The contributions gathered in this volume shed light on the clash between the perspectives of restructuring and reordering urban environments in the interest of investors and the manifold and innovative agencies of resistance that claim and stand up for the rights of urban citizenship. Renewed waves of urban transformation employ state coercion to foster the expulsion of poor and marginalised inhabitants from those urban spaces that attract interest from speculators. The intervention of state agencies triggers the work of hegemonic culture for reframing the housing issue and implementing moral and political legitimation, as well as legislation that restricts urban citizenship rights. The case studies of the volume comparatively show the different and sometimes contradictory patterns of these conflicts in Berlin, Sydney, Belfast, Jerusalem, Amsterdam, and İstanbul as well as in metropoles of Latin America and China. Innovative resistance agencies emerge that paint possible paths for the re-establishment of the right to the city as the core of urban citizenship.

Recent years have seen contestations of democracy all around the globe. Democracy is challenged as a political as well as a normative term, and as a form of governance. Against the background of neoliberal transformation, populist mobilization, and xenophobic exclusion, but also of radical and emancipatory democratic projects, this collection offers a variety of critical and challenging perspectives on the condition of democracy in the 21st Century. The volumes provide theoretical and empirical enquiries into the meaning and practice of liberal democracy, the erosion of democratic institutions, and the consequences for citizenship and everyday lives. With a pronounced focus on national and transnational politics and processes, as well as postcolonial and settler-colonial contexts, individual contributions scrutinize the role of democratic societies, ideals, and ideologies of liberal democracy within global power geometries. By employing the multiple meanings of The Condition of Democracy, the collection addresses the preconditions of democratic rule, the state this form of governance is in, and the changing ways in which citizens can (still) act as the sovereign in liberal democratic societies. The books offer both challenging theoretical perspectives and rigorous empirical findings of how to conceive of democracy in our times, which will appeal to academics and students in social and political science, economics and international relations amongst other fields. The focus on developments in the Middle East and North Africa will furthermore be of great usefulness to academics and the wider public interested in the repercussions of western democracy promotion as well as in contemporary struggles for democratization ‘from below’.

Today, there is no comparable threat to Western democracies as the rise of right-wing populism. While it has played an increasing role at least since the 1990s, only the social consequences of the global financial crises in 2008 have given its break that led to UK’s ‘Brexit’ and the election of Donald Trump as US President in 2016 but also promoted what has been called left populism in countries that were hit the hardest from both the banking crisis and consequential neo-liberal austerity politics in the EU like Greece and Portugal. In 2017, the French Front National (FN) attracted many voters in the French Presidential elections; we have seen the radicalization of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) in Germany and the formation of centre-right government in Austria. Further, we have witnessed the consolidation of autocratic regimes as in the EU member states Poland and Greece. All these manifestations of right-wing populism share a common feature: they attack or even compromise the core elements of democratic societies such as the separation of powers, protection of minorities, or the rule of law. Despite a broad debate on the re-emergence of ‘populism’ in the transition from the twentieth to the twenty-first century that has brought forth many interesting findings, a lack of sociological reasoning cannot be denied as sociology itself withdrew from theorising populism decades ago and left the field to mainly political sciences and history. In a sense, Populism and the Crisis of Democracy considers itself as a contribution to start with filling this lacuna. Written in a direct and clear style, this set of volumes will be an invaluable reference for students and scholars in the field of political theory, political sociology and European Studies.

This volume Boundaries of Inclusion and Exclusion examines the many different and newly emerging ways in which citizenship refers to spatial, symbolic and social boundaries. Today, in the context of citizenship we face processes of inclusion and exclusion on national and supranational level but no less on the level of groups and individuals. The book addresses these different levels and discusses processes of inclusion and exclusion with regard to spatial, social and symbolic boundaries referring to such different problems as political participation, migration, or identity with regard to religion or the EU. This book will appeal to academics working in the field of political theory, political sociology and European studies.

Spätestens seit Beginn der 1980er Jahre ist Staatsbürgerschaft (Citizenship) im angelsächsischen Sprachraum einer der zentralen Begriffe, die die sozialwissen­ schaftliehe Analyse moderner Gesellschaften angesichts struktureller und kultu­ reller Transformationsprozesse in vielversprechender Weise angeregt haben. Die deutsche Diskussion um Staatsbürgerschaft ist bisher weitgehend auf politische Auseinandersetzungen beschränkt geblieben, ohne dass diese meist aufgeregten Debatten von wissenschaftlicher Seite durch ein analytisch klar geschnittenes Theorieangebot oder nüchterne empirische Analyse versachlicht worden wären. Hier wie dort, in den Medien wie in den Sozialwissenschaften, wurden sie vielmehr von politischer Korrektheit und einer moralischen Rhetorik in erzieherischer Absicht geleitet - das Gegenteil soziologischer Aufklärung. Gerade in Deutschland aber, das inzwischen unversehens zum Einwanderungs­ land geworden ist, könnte man von der angelsächsischen Debatte profitieren. Es scheint deshalb an der Zeit, die grundlegenden soziologischen Texte die­ ser Diskussionen der deutschen Leserschaft, und insbesondere den Studierenden der Sozial-, Geschichts-, Rechts- und Kulturwissenschaften in einem Band ver­ sammelt zugänglich zu machen. Er soll fundierte theoretische Kenntnisse des umstrittenen Konzepts der Staatsbürgerschaft vermitteln, die Analyse seiner Struktur, Funktionsweise und Reichweite vorantreiben, aber nicht zuletzt auch seine Grenzen aufzeigen. Das ist für die Sozialwissenschaften unerlässlich, denn das nationale Modell der Staatsbürgerschaft wird auch und gerade in einer radi­ kal sich verändernden Welt eines der Instrumente sein, auf die sie zur Analyse moderner demokratischer Gesellschaften nicht verzichten können.

Die Institution der Staatsbürgerschaft (Citizenship) scheint in modernen Gesell­ schaften eine Selbstverständlichkeit zu sein. Sie gilt offensichtlich unhinterfragt als gegeben und unproblematisch, und die Sozialwissenschaften haben ihr des­ halb lange Zeit wenig Interesse entgegengebracht. Nach einer langen Phase, in der die Staatsbürgerschaft schon völlig von der Tagesordnung verschwunden schien, hat sich dies in den vergangenen Jahren grundlegend geändert: Staats­ bürgerschaft steht inzwischen im Zentrum wichtiger gesellschaftspolitischer Debatten. Eines der zentralen Problemfelder stellt das Verhältnis von Staatsbür­ gerschaft und Immigration dar. In Deutschland hat sich die Soziologie merkwür­ digerweise fast vollständig aus dieser Diskussion herausgehalten - von einer Auseinandersetzung um Staatsbürgerschaft kann in der Disziplin keine Rede sein. Zugleich hat die politische Diskussion um das Verhältnis von Staatsbürger­ schaft und Immigration Hochkonjunktur. Sie ist gekennzeichnet durch ein kultu­ ralistisches Übergewicht, und auf beiden Seiten des politischen Spektrums ran­ ken Mythen und Legenden um die Rechtsinstitution der Staatsbürgerschaft. Eine Einmischung in diese Debatte aus der Perspektive einer kritischen Soziologie ist bisher nicht zu vernehmen. Diese Lücke gilt es zu füllen. Die folgende Studie setzt sich deshalb zum Ziel, sowohl die wissenschaftliche Diskussion voranzu­ bringen als auch zur Versachlichung der politischen Diskussion beizutragen. Die vorliegende Arbeit wurde im Juli 1998 von der Philosophischen Fakultät III der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin als Dissertation angenommen. An dieser Stelle möchte ich einigen Personen danken, die zum Gelingen die­ ser Arbeit beigetragen haben.

Spätestens seit Beginn der 1980er Jahre ist Staatsbürgerschaft (Citizenship) im angelsächsischen Sprachraum einer der zentralen Begriffe, die die sozialwissen­ schaftliehe Analyse moderner Gesellschaften angesichts struktureller und kultu­ reller Transformationsprozesse in vielversprechender Weise angeregt haben. Die deutsche Diskussion um Staatsbürgerschaft ist bisher weitgehend auf politische Auseinandersetzungen beschränkt geblieben, ohne dass diese meist aufgeregten Debatten von wissenschaftlicher Seite durch ein analytisch klar geschnittenes Theorieangebot oder nüchterne empirische Analyse versachlicht worden wären. Hier wie dort, in den Medien wie in den Sozialwissenschaften, wurden sie vielmehr von politischer Korrektheit und einer moralischen Rhetorik in erzieherischer Absicht geleitet - das Gegenteil soziologischer Aufklärung. Gerade in Deutschland aber, das inzwischen unversehens zum Einwanderungs­ land geworden ist, könnte man von der angelsächsischen Debatte profitieren. Es scheint deshalb an der Zeit, die grundlegenden soziologischen Texte die­ ser Diskussionen der deutschen Leserschaft, und insbesondere den Studierenden der Sozial-, Geschichts-, Rechts- und Kulturwissenschaften in einem Band ver­ sammelt zugänglich zu machen. Er soll fundierte theoretische Kenntnisse des umstrittenen Konzepts der Staatsbürgerschaft vermitteln, die Analyse seiner Struktur, Funktionsweise und Reichweite vorantreiben, aber nicht zuletzt auch seine Grenzen aufzeigen. Das ist für die Sozialwissenschaften unerlässlich, denn das nationale Modell der Staatsbürgerschaft wird auch und gerade in einer radi­ kal sich verändernden Welt eines der Instrumente sein, auf die sie zur Analyse moderner demokratischer Gesellschaften nicht verzichten können.

Ist die nationale Staatsbürgerschaft (Citizenship) ein Anachronismus? Zunehmend lässt sich in weiten Teilen der sozialwissenschaftlichen Debatte der Eindruck - winnen, dass die Institution der Staatsbürgerschaft nur noch ein Auslaufmodell ist. Sie scheint einer Zeit anzugehören, die unwiderruflich vorüber ist: In ihr hatten wir es mit einer Welt zu tun, die durch territoriale Grenzen in klar voneinander geschiedene Nationalstaaten gegliedert war; die Staaten regulierten nicht nur ihre jeweiligen nationalen Ökonomien, als Wohlfahrtsstaaten garantierten sie ihren Bürgern einen hohen Lebensstandard und sicherten sie gegen viel fältige Risiken. Die politische Gemeinschaft wurde als ethnisch und kulturell weitgehend homogen begriffen, und die bürgerlichen, politischen und sozialen Rechte der Staatsbürger galten in dieser Welt als Fundament prosperierender demokra tischer Geme- wesen. Ganz anders stellt sich das Bild heute dar: Globalisierung und Europäisierung haben Grenzen durchlässig und fließend werden lassen, die Bedeutung supranat- naler und internationaler Institutionen stellen die Bedeutung des Nationalstaates als institutionellen Rahmen der Staatsbürgerschaft in Frage, das Regime der M- schenrechte scheint universalistischer und zeitgemäßer zu sein als die nationale Staatsbürgerschaft; ethnische und kulturelle Heterogenisierung westlicher Gese- schaften stellen die angenommene nationale Identität ihrer Bürger in Frage. Wenn das die Situation ist, warum dann eine Einführung in die Soziologie der Staatsbürgerschaft? Der Grund dafür ist einfach: Die Zweifel an der fortbesteh- den Bedeutung der Staatsbürgerschaft, wenn nicht gar ihr Ende, werden nicht selten verkündet, ohne dass zuvor eine eingehende Auseinandersetzung mit ihrer Struktur undFunktionsweise stattfindet. Die Dynamik von Citizenship und ihre integrative Kraft bleiben zumeist im Dunkeln.

Staatsbürgerschaft (Citizenship) ist eine der zentralen Institutionen moderner Gesellschaften, doch wie kaum eine andere steht sie seit einigen Jahren vor enormen Herausforderungen. Globalisierung und Neoliberalismus, EU-Bürgerschaft sowie supranationale und globale Regime und nicht zuletzt die Forderungen ethnischer und kultureller Gruppen nach Sonder- und Gruppenrechten haben Zweifel an der Staatsbürgerschaft als Instrument der sozialen Integration moderner Gesellschaften aufkommen lassen.Der vorliegende Band dokumentiert die wichtigsten klassischen Beiträge zum nationalen Modell der Staatsbürgerschaft und versammelt ferner aktuelle Beiträge, die sich mit der künftigen Bedeutung moderner Staatsbürgerschaft sowie mit neuen Modellen von Mitgliedschaft und Zugehörigkeit auseinandersetzen.

Das Ende des Staates zu verkünden hat im politischen und sozialwissenschaftlichen Diskurs Tradition, und so gilt staatliches Handeln seit der enttäuschten Planungseuphorie der 1970er Jahre als Synonym für Unzulänglichkeit und Ineffektivität. Mit dem Siegeszug der neoliberalen Ideologie hat sich der Ton weiter verschärft. In der aktuellen Globalisierungsdebatte gilt der Staat zumeist als Verlierer in der Auseinandersetzung mit dem Markt um die Vorherrschaft auf den "Kommandohöhen der Weltwirtschaft" und als Opfer sich naturwüchsig vollziehender Prozesse. Die vorliegende Studie widerspricht dieser Vorstellung und lässt sich von der Annahme leiten, dass der Staat ein wichtiger Akteur ist, dessen Strategien, Interventionsmaßnahmen und Regulierungen immer schon das Verhältnis der Beziehungen zwischen Staat, Ökonomie und Gemeinschaft prägen. In dieser Perspektive rückt das Handeln des Staates in den Mittelpunkt des Interesses. Aber wie handelt der Staat? Um diese Frage zu beantworten, wird im Anschluss an die kritische Diskussion aktueller soziologischer Ansätze, die auf die Erklärung sozialen Handelns, sozialer Organisation und sozialen Wandels gerichtet sind, eine Theorie mittlerer Reichweite von State-Society Relations entwickelt. Sie ermöglicht es, die sozialen Mechanismen staatlichen Handelns zu identifizieren und trägt damit zur Erklärung staatlichen Handelns bei.

Robert King Merton (1910 – 2003) gilt heute längst als Klassiker der Soziologie. Er kann als der bedeutendste Soziologe der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts und als Wegbereiter einer modernen Soziologie bezeichnet werden, die das konstitutive Verhältnis von soziologischer Theorie und empirischer Forschung ins Zentrum des Interesses gerückt hat. Aufgrund seiner Beiträge zur Sozialtheorie, zur Begriffsbildung in der Soziologie und seiner vielfältigen inhaltlichen und empirischen Arbeiten spielt Merton bis heute eine bedeutende Rolle in der Soziologie als wissenschaftlicher Disziplin.

Robert King Merton (1910 – 2003) gilt heute längst als Klassiker der Soziologie. Er kann als der bedeutendste Soziologe der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts und als Wegbereiter einer modernen Soziologie bezeichnet werden, die das konstitutive Verhältnis von soziologischer Theorie und empirischer Forschung ins Zentrum des Interesses gerückt hat. Aufgrund seiner Beiträge zur Sozialtheorie, zur Begriffsbildung in der Soziologie und seiner vielfältigen inhaltlichen und empirischen Arbeiten spielt Merton bis heute eine bedeutende Rolle in der Soziologie als wissenschaftlicher Disziplin.