Malcolm E. Jewell – författare

The Handbook of Legislative Research, a comprehensive summary of the results of research on nineteenth and twentieth-century legislatures, is itself a landmark in the evolution of legislative studies. Gathered here are surveys by leading scholars in the field, each providing inventory of an important subfield, an extensive bibliography, and a systematic assessment of what has been accomplished and what directions future research must take.

Every two years American voters turn out to elect several thousand representatives to state legislatures. Only now in Representation in State Legislatures do we have a detailed examination of how these officials perceive their jobs and how they attempt to do them. To provide answers to these questions, Malcolm E. Jewell conducted intensive interviews with 220 members of houses of representatives in nine selected states. He asked each legislator how he kept in touch with his constituents, how he resolved matters of policy, how he sought government resources for his district, and what services he provided for individual constituents. State legislatures differ greatly, and they are not institutionalized to the same degree as the national congress. It is difficult, therefore, to generalize on such effects as partisanship. Likewise it appears that past explanatory models do not adequately describe the complex relationships seen by most legislators in their work. The state legislature is changing. It is becoming more institutionalized. It is becoming more stable as fewer members retire and more are reelected. The trend is toward longer sessions, increased staff, and more activity. With this trend the legislator is becoming more visible; he can deal with lawmaking while having greater opportunities to provide services and to gain publicity for them. As the move, begun by the Reagan administration, to put more responsibility for programs on the states continues, the state legislatures will assume a place of greater importance in the governing of the United States. This pioneering study of representation will thereby gain significance both for the understanding it imparts and for the new questions it raises.

Twenty years ago the Kentucky General Assembly was one of the least powerful and least effective legislatures in the country, almost entirely dominated by the governor. Over the past two decades the legislature has changed -- gradually and with little public attention -- into a far more powerful, professional, and independent body.This book is a study of that process of change: its causes, the obstacles encountered, and the political and policy consequences. It is a study of changing relationships between governor and legislature, caused in part by less aggressive gubernatorial leadership and in part by the growing assertion of legislative independence. It is also a study of the men and women who initiated change and who play major roles in the legislature today.One important area of change has been in the kinds of persons elected to the legislature. Today's Kentucky legislators are more professional in their approach to legislative service, serve longer tenures, and are likely to be committed to long-term political careers. They work harder to become known in their districts, and they devote more time to constituency service.In preparing this study, Malcolm E. Jewell and Penny M. Miller interviewed and sent questionnaires to many past and present members of the Kentucky legislature, as well as examining election returns, roll call votes, and committee records. They also traced developments since the 1960s to provide historical perspective.The Kentucky General Assembly is not a "typical" legislature. It is less professional and meets less frequently than those in most states. But trends in the Kentucky legislature are typical of those in other states, and this book puts the changes in Kentucky into national perspective.

Every two years American voters turn out to elect several thousand representatives to state legislatures. Only now in Representation in State Legislatures do we have a detailed examination of how these officials perceive their jobs and how they attempt to do them. To provide answers to these questions, Malcolm E. Jewell conducted intensive interviews with 220 members of houses of representatives in nine selected states. He asked each legislator how he kept in touch with his constituents, how he resolved matters of policy, how he sought government resources for his district, and what services he provided for individual constituents. State legislatures differ greatly, and they are not institutionalized to the same degree as the national congress. It is difficult, therefore, to generalize on such effects as partisanship. Likewise it appears that past explanatory models do not adequately describe the complex relationships seen by most legislators in their work. The state legislature is changing. It is becoming more institutionalized. It is becoming more stable as fewer members retire and more are reelected. The trend is toward longer sessions, increased staff, and more activity. With this trend the legislator is becoming more visible; he can deal with lawmaking while having greater opportunities to provide services and to gain publicity for them. As the move, begun by the Reagan administration, to put more responsibility for programs on the states continues, the state legislatures will assume a place of greater importance in the governing of the United States. This pioneering study of representation will thereby gain significance both for the understanding it imparts and for the new questions it raises.

Few academic disciplines have recorded their own origins and development in an organized way. The American Political Science Association, in cooperation with Pi Sigma Alpha, the political science honor society, and the University of Kentucky, have undertaken an extensive oral history project, the aim of which is to trace and record the growth of the discipline. The program has made it possible to amass hours of interviews with women and men who have influenced the study of political science.Political Science in America contains interviews with fifteen major figures who speak frankly about the intellectual and institutional roots of political science and trace its evolution. Through their words, we learn what it was like to be a part of the earliest Ph.D. programs and to work with early leaders.We discover how these leaders became interested in political science, what roles they played in building departments and research organizations, and what they learned from participation in government and politics. They discuss their own contributions and offer opinions on some of the major conflicts that have divided the discipline. Particularly enlightening are their varied perspectives on the growth of the behavioral movement in political science over the past fifty years. This book is of interest to all political scientists as a historical perspective on their discipline.

Bipartisanship has become so associated with the conduct of foreign policy that partisanship has virtually been forgotten. In this persuasive study of senatorial politics, Malcolm E. Jewell reasserts the importance of partisanship, arguing that increased party responsibility is the best guarantee for the establishment of sound policy and for the continued support of policy once established. The author bases his conclusions on a study of the Senate during the Truman and Eisenhower administrations.

These three volumes of Kentucky election statistics at last make this basic tool of political research easily accessible to scholars, journalists, teachers, political candidates and others interested in primary and general election returns. In Kentucky, as in many other states, these figures have been available only in the Secretary of State's office, and there has been no compilation of percentages and pluralities necessary for comparative purposes.The source of all the statistics in these volumes is the official records in the office of the Secretary of State in Frankfort, Kentucky. All returns are listed by county.Volume 1 includes presidential elections from 1952 through 1960 and primaries and elections for the U.S. Senate from 1920 through 1960.Volume 2 includes gubernatorial primaries and elections from 1923 through 1959.Volume 3 includes primaries and elections for the U.S. House of Representatives from 1920 through 1960.

These three volumes of Kentucky election statistics at last make this basic tool of political research easily accessible to scholars, journalists, teachers, political candidates and others interested in primary and general election returns. In Kentucky, as in many other states, these figures have been available only in the Secretary of State's office, and there has been no compilation of percentages and pluralities necessary for comparative purposes.The source of all the statistics in these volumes is the official records in the office of the Secretary of State in Frankfort, Kentucky. All returns are listed by county.Volume 1 includes presidential elections from 1952 through 1960 and primaries and elections for the U.S. Senate from 1920 through 1960.Volume 2 includes gubernatorial primaries and elections from 1923 through 1959.Volume 3 includes primaries and elections for the U.S. House of Representatives from 1920 through 1960.

These three volumes of Kentucky election statistics at last make this basic tool of political research easily accessible to scholars, journalists, teachers, political candidates and others interested in primary and general election returns. In Kentucky, as in many other states, these figures have been available only in the Secretary of State's office, and there has been no compilation of percentages and pluralities necessary for comparative purposes.The source of all the statistics in these volumes is the official records in the office of the Secretary of State in Frankfort, Kentucky. All returns are listed by county.Volume 1 includes presidential elections from 1952 through 1960 and primaries and elections for the U.S. Senate from 1920 through 1960.Volume 2 includes gubernatorial primaries and elections from 1923 through 1959.Volume 3 includes primaries and elections for the U.S. House of Representatives from 1920 through 1960.

This is a study of Kentucky political parties: how they are organized and how they nominate and elect candidates. Because state politics in Kentucky is dominated by the Democratic Party, a major portion of the study is devoted to the Democratic primary candidates, campaign techniques, funding, of elections, and voting patterns.As in other slates, campaign techniques in Kentucky are changing. During the 1950s and 1960s the Democratic Party had two dominant factions, and candidates for statewide office sought factional allies among local party organizations. Now factional alignments have disappeared, and candidates for statewide office build campaign organizations from thousands of active party workers. The characteristics, motivations, and allegiances of these party activists form one major focus of this book.Another focus is television, which has assumed ever greater importance in statewide primary campaigns. Because it is expensive, candidates who are wealthy or can raise large sums for television advertising enter the primaries with a substantial advantage, and those who use that medium most effectively are most likely to win. Two wealthy candidates who proved to be talented campaigners in person and on television were nominated by the Democrats in 1987: Wallace Wilkinson in the gubernatorial race and Brereton Jones in the race for lieutenant governor. The book features case studies of these two campaigns, which in many ways typify modern primary elections in Kentucky.Finally, since the 1950s, the Republican Party has been highly successful in campaigns for national office in Kentucky but has been unable to elect a governor since 1967. This study provides some answers to two questions: What is wrong with the Republican Party in Kentucky? And why are so many Kentuckians voting Republican in national races and Democratic in state races?

Twenty years ago the Kentucky General Assembly was one of the least powerful and least effective legislatures in the country, almost entirely dominated by the governor. Over the past two decades the legislature has changed-gradually and with little public attention-into a far more powerful, professional, and independent body.This book is a study of that process of change: its causes, the obstacles encountered, and the political and policy consequences. It is a study of changing relationships between governor and legislature, caused in part by less aggressive gubernatorial leadership and in part by the growing assertion of legislative independence. It is also a study of the men and women who initiated change and who play major roles in the legislature today.One important area of change has been in the kinds of persons elected to the legislature. Today's Kentucky legislators are more professional in their approach to legislative service, serve longer tenures, and are likely to be committed to long-term political careers. They work harder to become known in their districts, and they devote more time to constituency service.In preparing this study, Malcolm E. Jewell and Penny M. Miller interviewed and sent questionnaires to many past and present members of the Kentucky legislature, as well as examining election returns, roll call votes, and committee records. They also traced developments since the 1960s to provide historical perspective.The Kentucky General Assembly is not a "e;typical"e; legislature. It is less professional and meets less frequently than those in most states. But trends in the Kentucky legislature are typical of those in other states, and this book puts the changes in Kentucky into national perspective.

Few academic disciplines have recorded their own origins and development in an organized way. The American Political Science Association, in cooperation with Pi Sigma Alpha, the political science honor society, and the University of Kentucky, have undertaken an extensive oral history project, the aim of which is to trace and record the growth of the discipline. The program has made it possible to amass hours of interviews with women and men who have influenced the study of political science.Political Science in America contains interviews with fifteen major figures who speak frankly about the intellectual and institutional roots of political science and trace its evolution. Through their words, we learn what it was like to be a part of the earliest Ph.D. programs and to work with early leaders.We discover how these leaders became interested in political science, what roles they played in building departments and research organizations, and what they learned from participation in government and politics. They discuss their own contributions and offer opinions on some of the major conflicts that have divided the discipline. Particularly enlightening are their varied perspectives on the growth of the behavioral movement in political science over the past fifty years. This book is of interest to all political scientists as a historical perspective on their discipline.

Bipartisanship has become so associated with the conduct of foreign policy that partisanship has virtually been forgotten. In this persuasive study of senatorial politics, Malcolm E. Jewell reasserts the importance of partisanship, arguing that increased party responsibility is the best guarantee for the establishment of sound policy and for the continued support of policy once established. The author bases his conclusions on a study of the Senate during the Truman and Eisenhower administrations.

These three volumes of Kentucky election statistics at last make this basic tool of political research easily accessible to scholars, journalists, teachers, political candidates and others interested in primary and general election returns. In Kentucky, as in many other states, these figures have been available only in the Secretary of State's office, and there has been no compilation of percentages and pluralities necessary for comparative purposes.The source of all the statistics in these volumes is the official records in the office of the Secretary of State in Frankfort, Kentucky. All returns are listed by county.Volume 1 includes presidential elections from 1952 through 1960 and primaries and elections for the U.S. Senate from 1920 through 1960.Volume 2 includes gubernatorial primaries and elections from 1923 through 1959.Volume 3 includes primaries and elections for the U.S. House of Representatives from 1920 through 1960.

These three volumes of Kentucky election statistics at last make this basic tool of political research easily accessible to scholars, journalists, teachers, political candidates and others interested in primary and general election returns. In Kentucky, as in many other states, these figures have been available only in the Secretary of State's office, and there has been no compilation of percentages and pluralities necessary for comparative purposes.The source of all the statistics in these volumes is the official records in the office of the Secretary of State in Frankfort, Kentucky. All returns are listed by county.Volume 1 includes presidential elections from 1952 through 1960 and primaries and elections for the U.S. Senate from 1920 through 1960.Volume 2 includes gubernatorial primaries and elections from 1923 through 1959.Volume 3 includes primaries and elections for the U.S. House of Representatives from 1920 through 1960.

These three volumes of Kentucky election statistics at last make this basic tool of political research easily accessible to scholars, journalists, teachers, political candidates and others interested in primary and general election returns. In Kentucky, as in many other states, these figures have been available only in the Secretary of State's office, and there has been no compilation of percentages and pluralities necessary for comparative purposes.The source of all the statistics in these volumes is the official records in the office of the Secretary of State in Frankfort, Kentucky. All returns are listed by county.Volume 1 includes presidential elections from 1952 through 1960 and primaries and elections for the U.S. Senate from 1920 through 1960.Volume 2 includes gubernatorial primaries and elections from 1923 through 1959.Volume 3 includes primaries and elections for the U.S. House of Representatives from 1920 through 1960.

This is a study of Kentucky political parties: how they are organized and how they nominate and elect candidates. Because state politics in Kentucky is dominated by the Democratic Party, a major portion of the study is devoted to the Democratic primary candidates, campaign techniques, funding, of elections, and voting patterns.As in other slates, campaign techniques in Kentucky are changing. During the 1950s and 1960s the Democratic Party had two dominant factions, and candidates for statewide office sought factional allies among local party organizations. Now factional alignments have disappeared, and candidates for statewide office build campaign organizations from thousands of active party workers. The characteristics, motivations, and allegiances of these party activists form one major focus of this book.Another focus is television, which has assumed ever greater importance in statewide primary campaigns. Because it is expensive, candidates who are wealthy or can raise large sums for television advertising enter the primaries with a substantial advantage, and those who use that medium most effectively are most likely to win. Two wealthy candidates who proved to be talented campaigners in person and on television were nominated by the Democrats in 1987: Wallace Wilkinson in the gubernatorial race and Brereton Jones in the race for lieutenant governor. The book features case studies of these two campaigns, which in many ways typify modern primary elections in Kentucky.Finally, since the 1950s, the Republican Party has been highly successful in campaigns for national office in Kentucky but has been unable to elect a governor since 1967. This study provides some answers to two questions: What is wrong with the Republican Party in Kentucky? And why are so many Kentuckians voting Republican in national races and Democratic in state races?