Maurice Keens-Soper – författare

This is a lively and accessible introduction to some of the greatest works of political thought. Written by a team of specialist contributors, there are chapters on Plato's Republic, Aristotle's Politics, Augustine's City of God, Machiavelli's Discourses and The Prince, Hobbes's Leviathan, and Locke's Second Treatise on Government. Concentrating on the ideas contained in the texts themselves, the guide also helps readers understand why these classics remain indispensable today.

Spanning a critical period--from the turbulent era of the American and French Revolutions through to the calmer waters of the nineteenth centuries, this book will help all students of political ideas to gain a fuller appreciation of the great works which form the foundation of the subject.Seven classic texts have been chosen for analysis: Hamilton's The Federalist, Sieyes' What is the Third Estate?, Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France, Hegel's The Philosophy of Right, de Tocqueville's Democracy in America, Marx and Engels' Communist Manifesto, and Mill's On Liberty.Together they illustrate and express the main themes of the period. The most prominent of these is the growing distinction between the state and society and the problems that this brings in its train. Other themes embrace the interplay of revolution and reaction, the growth of representative government, and the challenge posed by democracy.The clear analysis and explanation contained in each essay will enable the reader to return to the original texts with a new understanding and insight.

Preoccupation with the EU''s internal affairs risks ignoring the extent to which Europe itself will now be shaped by foreign affairs. The future of Europe lies in its own hands only if it organizes itself to adjust to events in a world diplomatic system over which it can hope to have only limited control. The global setting in which Europe will have to find a place is the reverse image of its post-1945 direction. Whereas Western Europe''s states have renounced ''power politics'' among themselves, the rest of the world has done no such thing. The basis of inter-state relations remains remarkably similar to Rousseau''s description as the ''constant action and reaction of powers in continued agitation''. Failure to recognize the persistence of power politics is now among the principal obstacles to Europe''s future. It is as if recovery from the nemesis of mid-century has produced hubris towards its end. Europe finds it hard to accept that it must coexist with the outside world on terms increasingly set not by its own virtuous example of reconciliation among old enemies and the creation of political union, but by states who see little reason to follow its example. More fundamental than blueprints and policies for European Monetary Union and the European Union enlargement, Europe needs a trustworthy grasp of the world''s foreign affairs to which its diplomacy must apply and its statecraft contribute.

What role can and should Europe play in the world? This analysis of international politics offers an exposition of the persistent features of power politics which Europe, in the form of the EU, should increasingly have to acknowledge, or adapt to. Using the resources of both political philosophy and diplomatic history, the book urges that the internal developments of western Europe over the last 50 years are making a common standpoint in foreign affairs increasingly necessary. Europe, it asserts, cannot remain preoccupied by international affairs when its future depends on adjusting to an international order over which it has only limited control.

This book offers an introductory guide for students to four centuries of diplomatic thought. Since diplomacy as we know it was created during the Renaissance in Italy, a number of major figures have reflected on the place of diplomacy in foreign affairs and the problems associated with its pursuit. These include statesmen, international lawyers and historians, most of whom had experience as diplomats of the first or second rank. This book examines the thought of some of the most important of them, from Niccolò Machiavelli in the early sixteenth century to Henry Kissinger in the late twentieth century.

Preoccupation with the EU's internal affairs risks ignoring the extent to which Europe itself will now be shaped by foreign affairs. The future of Europe lies in its own hands only if it organizes itself to adjust to events in a world diplomatic system over which it can hope to have only limited control. The global setting in which Europe will have to find a place is the reverse image of its post-1945 direction. Whereas Western Europe's states have renounced 'power politics' among themselves, the rest of the world has done no such thing. The basis of inter-state relations remains remarkably similar to Rousseau's description as the 'constant action and reaction of powers in continued agitation'. Failure to recognize the persistence of power politics is now among the principal obstacles to Europe's future. It is as if recovery from the nemesis of mid-century has produced hubris towards its end. Europe finds it hard to accept that it must coexist with the outside world on terms increasingly set not by its own virtuous example of reconciliation among old enemies and the creation of political union, but by states who see little reason to follow its example. More fundamental than blueprints and policies for European Monetary Union and the European Union enlargement, Europe needs a trustworthy grasp of the world's foreign affairs to which its diplomacy must apply and its statecraft contribute.