Natasha Kuhrt – författare

Drawing on the most up-to-date sources, this book provides an in-depth examination of Russia’s relations with China and Japan, the two Asia-Pacific superpowers-in-waiting. For Russia there has always been more than one ‘Asia’: after the collapse of the Soviet Union, there were those in the Russian elite who saw Asia as implying the economic dynamism of the Asia-Pacific, with Japan as the main player. However there were others who saw the chance for Russia to reassert its claim to be a great power, based on Russia’s geopolitical and geoeconomic position as a Eurasian power. For these, China was the power to engage with: together China and Russia could control both Heartland and Rim, both Eurasia and Asia-Pacific, whereas accepting Japan’s conception of Asia implied regional fragmentation and shared sovereignty. This book argues that this strand of thinking, mainly confined to nationalists in the El’tsin years, has now, under Putin, become the dominant discourse among Russian policymakers. Despite opportunities for convergence presented by energy resources, even for trilateral cooperation, traditional anxiety regarding loss of control over key resource areas in the Russian Far East is now used to inform regional policy, leading to a new resource nationalism. In light of Russia’s new assertiveness in global affairs and its increasing use of the so-called ‘energy weapon’ in foreign policy, this book will appeal not only to specialists on Russian politics and foreign policy, but also to international relations scholars.

Drawing on the most up-to-date sources, this book provides an in-depth examination of Russia’s relations with China and Japan, the two Asia-Pacific superpowers-in-waiting. For Russia there has always been more than one ‘Asia’: after the collapse of the Soviet Union, there were those in the Russian elite who saw Asia as implying the economic dynamism of the Asia-Pacific, with Japan as the main player. However there were others who saw the chance for Russia to reassert its claim to be a great power, based on Russia’s geopolitical and geoeconomic position as a Eurasian power. For these, China was the power to engage with: together China and Russia could control both Heartland and Rim, both Eurasia and Asia-Pacific, whereas accepting Japan’s conception of Asia implied regional fragmentation and shared sovereignty. This book argues that this strand of thinking, mainly confined to nationalists in the El’tsin years, has now, under Putin, become the dominant discourse among Russian policymakers. Despite opportunities for convergence presented by energy resources, even for trilateral cooperation, traditional anxiety regarding loss of control over key resource areas in the Russian Far East is now used to inform regional policy, leading to a new resource nationalism. In light of Russia’s new assertiveness in global affairs and its increasing use of the so-called ‘energy weapon’ in foreign policy, this book will appeal not only to specialists on Russian politics and foreign policy, but also to international relations scholars.

This book examines the different ways in which the laws governing the use of force and the conduct of warfare have become subject to intense scrutiny and contestation since the initiation of the war on terror.

Since the end of the Cold War, the nature of security challenges has changed radically and this change has been recognised by the UN, governments and academics around the world. The 911 attacks and the subsequent launch of the ''war on terror'' added a new dimension to this debate on the nature and utility of international law due to the demands from some quarters for a change in the laws governing self-defence and humanitarian intervention. This book analyses the nature of these debates and focuses on key issues that have led to the unprecedented contemporary questioning of both the utility and composition of international law on the use of force as well as the practicability of using force, including handling of ‘prisoners’ and ‘security risks’. It also identifies the sources of division and addresses the capacities of security policy and international law to adapt to the changed international environment.

This book will of much interest to students of international law, war and conflict studies, and IR and Security Studies in general.

This book examines the different ways in which the laws governing the use of force and the conduct of warfare have become subject to intense scrutiny and contestation since the initiation of the war on terror.

Since the end of the Cold War, the nature of security challenges has changed radically and this change has been recognised by the UN, governments and academics around the world. The 911 attacks and the subsequent launch of the ''war on terror'' added a new dimension to this debate on the nature and utility of international law due to the demands from some quarters for a change in the laws governing self-defence and humanitarian intervention. This book analyses the nature of these debates and focuses on key issues that have led to the unprecedented contemporary questioning of both the utility and composition of international law on the use of force as well as the practicability of using force, including handling of ‘prisoners’ and ‘security risks’. It also identifies the sources of division and addresses the capacities of security policy and international law to adapt to the changed international environment.

This book will of much interest to students of international law, war and conflict studies, and IR and Security Studies in general.

This volume brings together analyses of key domestic, foreign and security policy issues during the Putin and Medvedev administrations. Indeed, the chapters demonstrate the extent to which domestic and foreign policy issues are inextricably linked, in particular in the domain of security, whether ''hard'' or ''soft''. Internal debates regarding Russia''s trajectory, including issues of national identity; economic modernisation, human rights and democracy, continue to be at the forefront of concern.

Moreover, these debates are intimately connected to Russia''s self-image and the image therefore, that it wishes to project in the wider world. The debates focus on Russia as ''energy superpower''; as one of the ''BRICS''; as an Eurasian landbridge, or a window on the Asia-Pacific. Such debates are a constant reminder of the uncertainty surrounding Russia''s future path. This book expresses these uncertainties which range from the role of nuclear weapons and energy to critiques of Russia''s approach to concepts such as sovereignty and self-determination; the fight against terrorism, insurgency, and the role of Islam within and without. Russia may have left the ''chaos'' of the Yeltsin years behind but, as we move into ''Putin 3.0'', the concerns of these chapters will remain critical both to Russia itself, and to Russia''s relations with the wider world.

This book was published as a special issue of Europe-Asia Studies.