Oliver Rathkolb – författare

Hitler made the eighteen-year-old Baldur von Schirach the offer he was hoping for, telling him the party needed young men like him. The young man snapped up Hitler's invitation and enjoyed a rapid rise through the ranks of the National Socialist Party, marrying Henriette Hoffmann, the daughter of Hitler's personal photographer Heinrich Hoffmann.In 1930 he was appointed "Reich" youth leader, and as Hitler's loyal servant he harnessed the Hitler Youth for the 'brown revolution'. He dreamt of a fascist Europe under German leadership and as Gauleiter of Vienna he had the city's Jewish population deported to the death camps while enriching himself with looted Jewish art collections. But his independence of mind and artistic ideals led to tensions between Berlin and Vienna.In 1946, Baldur von Schirach stood trial at Nuremberg, where he offered a crafty defence, confessing his role in the rise of National Socialist ideology and attacking Adolf Hitler but denying involvement in the murder of Jews. As a result, he escaped execution and was sentenced to twenty years in prison for crimes against humanity.In the 1960s, he emerged from Spandau prison to great media attention, but he would later die in obscurity. In this critical biography, Oliver Rathkolb uses previously untapped archive material to examine a controversial figure who used his keen media savvy to paint a favourable picture of himself after the war. The book traces how this key figure in the National Socialist propaganda machine was shaped by the German political milieu - before going on to shape German youth.

Since the mid-1990s, political, legal, and historical debates about Nazi theft and confiscation of property, the use of slave labor during World War II, and restitution and compensation have reemerged. Revisiting the National Socialist Legacy presents completely new historical research on these issues conducted worldwide.This volume responds to concern about Holocaust era assets in Europe, the United States, and Latin America. It focuses on both reexamination of the history of National Socialist property theft and employment of forced labor in the wartime economy, and the compensation and restitution solutions advanced in various European and Latin American countries since 1945. While the question of Nazis in exile and the memories of survivors are explored, attention is focused on the role of numerous historical commissions and the tension between judicial processes, media coverage, historical scholarship, and politics.The book is divided into five parts: "At the Nexus of Justice, Media Coverage, Historical Scholarship and Politics"; "Commissioned History"; "Research on Slave and Forced Labor"; "National Socialist Theft: Banking, Industry, Insurance and Works of Art"; and "History as Catharsis."

Since the mid-1990s, political, legal, and historical debates about Nazi theft and confiscation of property, the use of slave labor during World War II, and restitution and compensation have reemerged. Revisiting the National Socialist Legacy presents completely new historical research on these issues conducted worldwide.This volume responds to concern about Holocaust era assets in Europe, the United States, and Latin America. It focuses on both reexamination of the history of National Socialist property theft and employment of forced labor in the wartime economy, and the compensation and restitution solutions advanced in various European and Latin American countries since 1945. While the question of Nazis in exile and the memories of survivors are explored, attention is focused on the role of numerous historical commissions and the tension between judicial processes, media coverage, historical scholarship, and politics.The book is divided into five parts: "At the Nexus of Justice, Media Coverage, Historical Scholarship and Politics"; "Commissioned History"; "Research on Slave and Forced Labor"; "National Socialist Theft: Banking, Industry, Insurance and Works of Art"; and "History as Catharsis."

Though three of his four grandparents were from America and the first language he learned at home was English, Baldur von Schirach became one of the Third Reich''s most influential individuals. He joined the Nazi Party as early as 1925 at the age of eighteen and three years later became a member of its National Leadership. He also married Henriette, the daughter of Hitler''s personal photographer, Heinrich Hoffmann. Von Schirach continued to rise through the ranks of the Nazi Party, reaching the rank of SA-Gruppenführer. It was as the leader of the Hitler Youth organization, however, for which von Schirach is best remembered, becoming Reichsführer of the Hitler Youth on 16 June 1932, and the following year was given responsibility for all youth organizations in Germany. He also became a member of the Reichstag as a representative of the Party. Despite his influential position, he was called up for military service and served in the French campaign of 1940. Following this he became Reich Governor and the Nazi''s Gauleiter Reichsstatthalter in Vienna – powerful positions he retained until the final collapse of the Third Reich in May 1945. His responsibilities as Gauleiter and Reichsstatthalter included overseeing the deportation of Vienna''s Jews to ghettos and concentration camps in occupied Poland. Though a confirmed anti-Semite, later in the war he pleaded for a moderate treatment of the eastern European peoples and criticized the conditions in which Jews were being deported. This caused a breach with Hitler and the Nazi leadership, though he managed to retain his position in Vienna. Following his capture by US troops, von Schirach was among the major war criminals put on trial at Nuremburg. Found guilty of crimes against humanity on 1 October 1946, von Schirach was sentenced to twenty years imprisonment. He served out his time in the company of Rudolf Hess and Albert Speer in Spandau prison. He admitted his crimes and his role in the deportations and in his autobiography, I Believed in Hitler, he explained how he was drawn into the world of the Nazis. He also said that his aim was destroy any belief in the rebirth of Nazism as well as blaming himself for not having done more to prevent the concentration camps. This detailed and balanced analysis of Baldur von Schirach reveals the true and ambivalent nature of a complex and fascinating individual who played a key role in the events leading up to, and during, the Second World War.

Though three of his four grandparents were from America and the first language he learned at home was English, Baldur von Schirach became one of the Third Reich''s most influential individuals. He joined the Nazi Party as early as 1925 at the age of eighteen and three years later became a member of its National Leadership. He also married Henriette, the daughter of Hitler''s personal photographer, Heinrich Hoffmann. Von Schirach continued to rise through the ranks of the Nazi Party, reaching the rank of SA-Gruppenführer. It was as the leader of the Hitler Youth organization, however, for which von Schirach is best remembered, becoming Reichsführer of the Hitler Youth on 16 June 1932, and the following year was given responsibility for all youth organizations in Germany. He also became a member of the Reichstag as a representative of the Party. Despite his influential position, he was called up for military service and served in the French campaign of 1940. Following this he became Reich Governor and the Nazi''s Gauleiter Reichsstatthalter in Vienna – powerful positions he retained until the final collapse of the Third Reich in May 1945. His responsibilities as Gauleiter and Reichsstatthalter included overseeing the deportation of Vienna''s Jews to ghettos and concentration camps in occupied Poland. Though a confirmed anti-Semite, later in the war he pleaded for a moderate treatment of the eastern European peoples and criticized the conditions in which Jews were being deported. This caused a breach with Hitler and the Nazi leadership, though he managed to retain his position in Vienna. Following his capture by US troops, von Schirach was among the major war criminals put on trial at Nuremburg. Found guilty of crimes against humanity on 1 October 1946, von Schirach was sentenced to twenty years imprisonment. He served out his time in the company of Rudolf Hess and Albert Speer in Spandau prison. He admitted his crimes and his role in the deportations and in his autobiography, I Believed in Hitler, he explained how he was drawn into the world of the Nazis. He also said that his aim was destroy any belief in the rebirth of Nazism as well as blaming himself for not having done more to prevent the concentration camps. This detailed and balanced analysis of Baldur von Schirach reveals the true and ambivalent nature of a complex and fascinating individual who played a key role in the events leading up to, and during, the Second World War.

From its emergence out of the ashes of World War II through to the economic and political challenges of today, Austria has embodied many of the contradictions of recent European history. Written by one of the nation’s leading historians, this account of postwar Austria explores the tensions that have defined it for over seven decades, whether in its overlapping policies of engagement and isolationism, its grandiose visions and persistent sense of inferiority, or its position as a model social democracy that has suffered recurrent bouts of xenophobic nationalism. This newly revised edition also addresses the major developments since 2005, including a resurgent far right, economic instability, and the potential fracturing of the European Union.

From its emergence out of the ashes of World War II through to the economic and political challenges of today, Austria has embodied many of the contradictions of recent European history. Written by one of the nation’s leading historians, this account of postwar Austria explores the tensions that have defined it for over seven decades, whether in its overlapping policies of engagement and isolationism, its grandiose visions and persistent sense of inferiority, or its position as a model social democracy that has suffered recurrent bouts of xenophobic nationalism. This newly revised edition also addresses the major developments since 2005, including a resurgent far right, economic instability, and the potential fracturing of the European Union.

Holmes'' und Watsons erster Fall: Ein Traumduo findet sich fürs LebenTauchen Sie ein in die faszinierende Welt von Sherlock Holmes, dem wohl berühmtesten Detektiv aller Zeiten! Den Auftakt der Reihe bildet dieser Roman, in dem Dr. John Watson als Kriegsinvalide nach London zurückkehrt und jemanden sucht, mit dem er zusammenziehen und sich die Miete teilen kann – und findet in dem ebenso hochintelligenten wie skurrilen Sherlock Holmes den passenden Partner. In ihrem ersten Fall ist Spannung garantiert, geht es in doch um Rache wegen eines lange zurückliegenden Mordes in einer Mormonengemeinde im amerikanischen Utah.Der erste Roman der vollständig neuübersetzten Reihe der Sherlock-Holmes-Romane: ein Muss für alle Krimi-Fans! – Mit einer kompakten Biographie des Autors.E-Book mit Seitenzählung der gedruckten Ausgabe: Buch und E-Book können parallel benutzt werden.

Die autobiographischen Erinnerungen des international renommierten Komponisten Georg Friedrich Haas (* 1953) sind ein zeithistorisch bedeutendes Dokument von großem Seltenheitswert. Es beschreibt eine komplexe österreichische Familiengeschichte im Umfeld des Nationalsozialismus nach dem zweiten Weltkrieg – und vor allem den entschlossenen Kampf gegen diese Sozialisation. Mit großer Akribie, emotionaler Stärke und klarer gesamtgesellschaftlicher Analyse gibt Haas eine detaillierte Innensicht auf eine deutschnational/nationalsozialistisch geprägte Umgebung und schildert seine Loslösung aus diesem vergifteten Milieu – seinen Weg nach draußen.

Eine Salzburger Kulturinstitution im NationalsozialismusDie aus dem 1841 gegründeten Dommusikverein und Mozarteum hervorgegangene Internationale Stiftung Mozarteum in Salzburg gilt seit 140 Jahren als führende Kulturinstitution weltweiter Mozartpflege.Auf der Grundlage erstmals ausgewerteter Quellen beleuchtet der Band die Aktivitäten der Stiftung Mozarteum unter ihrem Präsidenten Albert Reitter während der NS-Zeit. Die Stiftung profitierte von der NS-Kulturpolitik, die Mozart als Heroen des "arischen Deutschtums" umdeutete. Aufgrund der großen propagandistischen Bedeutung der Stiftung wurde die geplante Gesamtausgabe der Werke Mozarts sogar von der "Kanzlei des Führers" finanziert.Der Band stellt den Wahn der "Machbarkeit" überzogener Projektziele vor und analysiert die Hintergründe des überdurchschnittlich angepassten Verhaltens führender Akteure und Mitarbeiter der "Stiftung" während des NS Terrorregimes. Das Ende ist unrühmlich. Bei zunehmend schwindenden Ressourcen und im NS-spezifischen Konkurrenzkampf um die Vorherrschaft am "deutschen Mozart" wurde der Salzburger Komponist schließlich zum Vehikel einer willkürlichen Kulturpolitik instrumentalisiert.Beiträge zur nationalsozialistischen Vereinnahmung MozartsBilder und Dokumente aus ArchivenZweiter Band in Bearbeitung (Schwerpunkte: Konzertwesen, Auslandsbeziehungen, Nachkriegsentwicklung)

Seit Jahrhunderten haben Tschechen und Deutsche in einem Land zusammengelebt - eine Symbiose, die durch die Vertreibung der Deutschen nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg beendet wurde. Wie kam es dazu? Was ging der Vertreibung voran? Wie sind die Ereignisse von Tschechen und Deutschen erlebt und reflektiert worden?Dieses Buch vereinigt Beiträge von deutschen, österreichischen, tschechischen und amerikanischen Autoren und unternimmt den Versuch, die oft einseitige Diskussion um die so genannten Benes-Dekrete durch eine Zusammenschau "von beiden Seiten" zu ergänzen und durch fundierte Information zu bereichern. Zwei Völker - zwei Geschichten. Seit jeher ist die gemeinsame Geschichte der böhmischen Länder von den beiden dort lebenden Völkern sehr verschieden erlebt worden. Was für die einen Befreiung und Unabhängigkeit - die Gründung der tschechoslowakischen Republik nach dem Ende der Donaumonarchie-, war für die anderen der unfreiwillige Wechsel in den Status einer nationalen Minderheit. Die Diskussion um die Ereignisse rund um die Vertreibung ist in beiden Ländern erst relativ spät in Gang gekommen. Der vorliegende Band umfasst historische, politologische und journalistische Arbeiten und zeichnet unter anderem auch ein Bild des weitgehend unbekannten Diskurses innerhalb der tschechischen Gesellschaft über die Auseinandersetzung mit der eigenen Geschichte.

1989 ist das dynamischste Epochenjahr der europaischen Geschichte seit Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs und wirkt zugleich heute nur als umstrittener und groteils 'kalter' Erinnerungsort. Ausgehend von einer Rekonstruktion der Grunde fur die Interaktion zwischen gesellschaftlichen Bewegungen und politischen Akteuren sowie einer Analyse der zentralen Entscheidungsablaufe und Interessenskonstellationen, die zum Ende des Kalten Krieges fuhrten, werden die Ursachen fur die ambivalente Rezeption in der Gegenwart reflektiert.Ein internationaler Vergleich der offentlichen Inszenierungen dieses Jahrestages zeigt gravierende Unterschiede in der Auseinandersetzung mit einem Schlusselereignis der Weltgeschichte in den nationalstaatlichen Arenen der Geschichtspolitik. Vor dem Hintergrund der beginnenden Globalisierung wurde ein unerwartetes Zeitfenster in der Geschichte genutzt, zwanzig Jahre spater sind Eiserner Vorhang und Berliner Mauer historische Artefakte geworden, deren Nachwirkungen auf die Gegenwart aber unterschatzt werden.

Der bekannte Historiker Oliver Rathkolb diskutiert in dieser monographischen Studie nicht nur die wichtigsten bisherigen Ergebnisse der Forschung zu diesem kontroversen Thema, sondern ergänzt sie durch zahlreiche neue, quellenbasierte Erkenntnisse. Thematisiert wird das Verhalten Orffs vor, während und nach der NS-Diktatur, insbesondere seine Kontakte zu NS-Potentaten. Analysiert wird zudem die künstlerische und politische Rezeption des Orff-Schulwerks, der Carmina Burana und weiterer Bühnenwerke.

Dieser Band steht im Zeichen der kritischen Auseinandersetzung mit der Geschichte der Universität Wien im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert. Neben Nobelpreisträger Eric Kandel, der über die Kontakte zwischen Juden und Christen im Wien der Jahrhundertwende schreibt, sind weitere hochkarätige Nationalsozialismus-ForscherInnen vertreten, etwa der deutsche Historiker Götz Aly. Die Beiträge spannen den Bogen von Forschungen zu Gewalt und Antisemitismus an der Universität Wien seit der Badeni-Krise 1897 über die Situation jüdischer WissenschafterInnen an der Universität Wien vom Kaiserreich bis nach 1945 bis hin zu der Rolle, die einzelne Fakultäten wie die Rechtswissenschaftliche und die Philosophisch-Kulturwissenschaftliche Fakultät gespielt haben.

How have relations and interactions between the City of Vienna and the Viennese universities developed since 1945? What structures existed and what structures were created in this respect? And what about study conditions, the influence of the universities on the city culture, the urban climate for science and research funding? Such questions are documented and analysed in this volume on the basis of interviews with and contributions by actors from science, research and politics. In this way a picture emerges in which empirical facts and subjective perceptions complement each other. The volume shows how the city and the universities have grown together and how, despite occasional contrarieties, an overall constructive and synergistic partnership has made made the university city of Vienna a science city.

This issue of zeitgeschichte off ers a comprehensive survey of aspects of Yugoslav foreign policy during Cold War détente. Due to its geostrategic location on the Balkan peninsula, Yugoslavia became an important focus for the U.S.S.R. and the United States during the East–West confl ict. After the break with Stalin in 1948, the Yugoslav "leader" Tito sought to position Yugoslavia as a non-aligned state on the international level and played a hegemonic role in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). The articles analyze Yugoslav policy in the 1960s and 1970s, examining its intentions, its developments, its strategic advantages, and its limits in the context of (geo-)political, economic, and cultural circumstances, with a focus on non-alignment as a leitmotiv of Yugoslav political ambitions, political and economic relations between Yugoslavia and countries of the NAM, the role of the Balkans in U.S. Cold War policy, and aspects of Yugoslav labor migration.