Pak Nung Wong – författare

Techno-Geopolitics explores contemporary U.S.–China relations and the future of global cyber-security through the prisms of geopolitics and financial-technological competition. It puts forward a new conceptual framework for an emerging field of digital statecraft and discusses a range of key issues including the controversies around 5G technology, policy regulations over TikTok and WeChat, the emergence of non-traditional espionage, and potential trends in post-pandemic foreign policy.

Analysing the ramifications of the ongoing U.S.–China trade standoff, this book maps the terrain of technological war and the race for global technological leadership and economic supremacy. It shows how China’s technological advancements not only have been the key to its national economic development but also have been the core focus of U.S. intelligence. Further, it draws on U.S.–China counterintelligence cases sourced from the U.S. Department of Justice and Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to explore emerging patterns and techniques of China’s espionage practice.

A cutting-edge study on the future of statecraft, this volume will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of international relations, security and intelligence studies, information technology and artificial intelligence and political science, especially U.S. foreign policy and China studies. It will also be of great interest to policymakers, career bureaucrats, security and intelligence practitioners, technology regulators, and professionals working with think tanks and embassies.

Techno-Geopolitics explores contemporary U.S.–China relations and the future of global cyber-security through the prisms of geopolitics and financial-technological competition. It puts forward a new conceptual framework for an emerging field of digital statecraft and discusses a range of key issues including the controversies around 5G technology, policy regulations over TikTok and WeChat, the emergence of non-traditional espionage, and potential trends in post-pandemic foreign policy.

Analysing the ramifications of the ongoing U.S.–China trade standoff, this book maps the terrain of technological war and the race for global technological leadership and economic supremacy. It shows how China’s technological advancements not only have been the key to its national economic development but also have been the core focus of U.S. intelligence. Further, it draws on U.S.–China counterintelligence cases sourced from the U.S. Department of Justice and Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to explore emerging patterns and techniques of China’s espionage practice.

A cutting-edge study on the future of statecraft, this volume will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of international relations, security and intelligence studies, information technology and artificial intelligence and political science, especially U.S. foreign policy and China studies. It will also be of great interest to policymakers, career bureaucrats, security and intelligence practitioners, technology regulators, and professionals working with think tanks and embassies.

From September 11 to the calamitous withdrawal of United States troops from Afghanistan, Western intelligence has failed to negotiate the largest military and humanitarian crises across the world. This book proposes to decolonize global intelligence from the peripheries of the Global South and put forward a new intelligence practice of ‘inclusive statecraft’.

It shows how dominant Western intelligence systems have failed to protect the very ideas they promised to uphold and the discrepancy between the West’s ‘Responsibility to Protect (R2P)’ liberalist doctrine and the realist on-the-ground complex reality as observed by the ‘Failure to Protect (F2P)’ scholarships. Drawing theoretical insights and empirical (both historical and contemporary) materials from a wide array of case studies of Western and non-Western intelligence settings and practices as well as their interactions, it argues that the next generation of global security and intelligence practitioners will necessitate genuine interracial, non-anthropocentric and cross-cultural inclusivity, especially the capability to take the non-Western intelligence cultures and their realist strategic thoughts seriously.

This book will not just add new knowledge to the larger field of security and intelligence studies, but will also pioneer the relatively underdeveloped fields of comparative intelligence cultures, and interstellar intelligence/cultural studies. It will be indispensable for policymakers, bureaucrats and government officials.

From September 11 to the calamitous withdrawal of United States troops from Afghanistan, Western intelligence has failed to negotiate the largest military and humanitarian crises across the world. This book proposes to decolonize global intelligence from the peripheries of the Global South and put forward a new intelligence practice of ‘inclusive statecraft’.

It shows how dominant Western intelligence systems have failed to protect the very ideas they promised to uphold and the discrepancy between the West’s ‘Responsibility to Protect (R2P)’ liberalist doctrine and the realist on-the-ground complex reality as observed by the ‘Failure to Protect (F2P)’ scholarships. Drawing theoretical insights and empirical (both historical and contemporary) materials from a wide array of case studies of Western and non-Western intelligence settings and practices as well as their interactions, it argues that the next generation of global security and intelligence practitioners will necessitate genuine interracial, non-anthropocentric and cross-cultural inclusivity, especially the capability to take the non-Western intelligence cultures and their realist strategic thoughts seriously.

This book will not just add new knowledge to the larger field of security and intelligence studies, but will also pioneer the relatively underdeveloped fields of comparative intelligence cultures, and interstellar intelligence/cultural studies. It will be indispensable for policymakers, bureaucrats and government officials.

‘Destined Statecraft enriches our understanding of global affairs by presenting a perspective where small powers are no longer in the periphery, but take up the main narrative. This standpoint is all the more valuable in an age where the proactive decision-making of small powers often goes unobser ved. Professor Wong’s Destined Statecraft offers a fresh lens for discerning world issues, helping to extend the reader’s vision beyond the exterior towards a greater perception of the world we live in.’

—Mr Sungnam Lim, Vice-Minister of Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Korea

This book considers the post-2010 strategic shifts in the Anglo-American geopolitical approach to Asia as a pivotal new strategy in the U.S. geo- strategic containment plan, which has been reformed to rebalance the rise of China and the Eurasian heartland in the course of the two decades since the disintegration of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s. At this critical global-historicaljuncture, the People’s Republic of China has also devised a new counter-containment endeavor – the ‘One Belt One Road’ initiative, which aims to re-connect it with all the countries on the Eurasian landmass, forming a single community. Against this backdrop of the intensifying geopolitical and geo-economic competition between the U.S. and China, this book calls for the revival and reinvigoration of selected Eurasian small powers’ embedded geopolitical, political-economic and strategic-cultural structures. Drawing on Pierre Bourdieu’s notion of habitus, the book argues that these self- changing and unceasingly structuring structures do not only constrain and limit, but also enable and galvanize small powers’ strategists and policy- makers to proactively generate creative means-and-ends calculations, conduct prudent security assessments, and devise measured and responsive strategic deployments. In this context, the book proposes that the small powers return to their own religious, cultural and intellectual roots. It also argues for the need to rediscover their own strategic cultures as an essential means of re-inventing and implementing their own unique models of national development. As a substantial contribution to the subfields of small power politics and strategic cultures in international relations, the book marks a paradigm shift in both theory and practice. Exploring historical case studies from such diverse African, Asian and European powers as the Philippines, Liberia, Myanmar, India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Thailand, Germany, Japan, Indonesia, Russia, the European Union, Ukraine, Poland and the United Kingdom as well as China, the book presents engaging dialogues with a wealth of classical and contemporary Western and non-Western strategic thinkers, including: Thucydides, Sun Tzu, Halford Mackinder, Kautilya, King Solomon, Li Zongwu, King Bhumibol Adulyadej, Karl Haushofer, Carl Schmitt and the Malayo-Polynesian datu, as well as John Mearsheimer. In light of the post- 2017 U.S. ‘America First’ foreign policy agenda, this book represents an essential guide for small powers’ strategists, foreign policy-makers, security practitioners and national development planners – introducing them to a broader spectrum of strategic options that will help them not just survive, but thrive in the constantly shifting geopolitical currents of our time.

Qualifying post-Westphalian sovereign statehood as a ‘power’ as argued for in Hendrik Berkhoff’s political theology, this book addresses the decades-long theological-spiritual debate between Christian realism and Christian pacifism in U.S. foreign policy and global Christian circles. It approaches the debate by delving into the pacifist Anabaptist political theology and delineates empirically how sovereign statehood in post-colonial Africa and Asia has fallen into the hands of the devil Satan, as a ‘fallen power’ in the Foucaultian terms of power structures, techniques and episteme. While the book offers intervention schemes and options, it holds that Christian statecraft remains the source of hope to effectively address a number of serious global issues. By extension, the book is thus an invitation to ignite debates on the suitability of Christian statecraft and the nexus between spirituality and world politics, making it especially interesting for scholars and students in the fields of International Politics, Politics of Asian and African States, Post-colonial Studies and Political Theology.