Richard P. Hiskes – författare

This controversial book explores the connection between technological risk and basic concepts of liberal political theory and practice. Arguing that modern risks are emergent and therefore not reducible to individual actors or events, Hiskes demonstrates how risks challenge the most basic concepts of liberal political theory and democratic politics, including the ideas of consent, authority, rights, and moral responsibility. He argues forcefully that successful policy for risk depends on understanding the dynamic between risk and liberal concepts.

This book presents a novel and compelling thesis about technological risk, liberalism, and policy making in liberal societies. Opposed to most theories of risk that focus on individual decision makers and models or rational choice, this book argues that risks must be seen as intrinsically both emergent and political phenomena. As such, risks resist reduction to individual actors, events, or decisions. To fully understand and make policy for risk, then, it is necessary to recognize that risks call attention to the connections between individuals and events, to the power being exercised in the determination and distribution of risks, and to how the failure to see risks as political, emergent phenomena results in policy failure, as in instances of "Not in My Backyard" (NIMBY) controversies. Liberal societies have particular difficulty in coping with risk, due to the excessively individualistic political theory and epistemology that undergirds liberalism. Thus, seeing risks as emergent has dramatic impact on the fundamental political concepts that make up liberal political theory and operate within liberal societies. The book treats especially the concepts of consent, community, authority, rights, responsibility, identity, and political participation. The meaning of each of these ideas has been altered by modern technological risks, and coping with risk will require that liberal societies redefine what these most basic concepts of political principles are to mean in political practice and policy making.

In 1973, Hillary Rodham Clinton famously stated that "children's rights" is a slogan in search of a definition, used to bolster various arguments for peace and for specific rights, but without any coherent conception of children as political beings. In 1989, the United Nations established the basis for this definition in the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), a document every nation in the world, save the United States, has ratified. Still, human rights theorists, scholars, and jurists continue to disagree as to the theoretical justification for children's human rights. In Suffer the Children, Richard P. Hiskes establishes the first substantive theoretical foundation for the human rights of children. As Hiskes argues, recognizing the rights of children fundamentally alters the meaning and usefulness of human rights in a global context. Ironically, the case for children's rights, as Hiskes argues, should be seen as the evolution, distillation, or "maturing" of human rights in general. Children's human rights will end the debate about whether groups can have rights because, globally, many rights claims today are precisely group claims, including those from children. Moreover, Hiskes provides a new critical assessment of the United Nations CRC and explores child activism for human rights worldwide--in courts, on social networks, and in public demonstrations--to show how children are already claiming their rights in ways that will fundamentally change the meaning both of rights themselves and of democratic processes. Giving children rights in a way that avoids privileging any single cultural experience of children would make rights no longer a "Western," individualistic idea, but a truly global one.

In 1973, Hillary Rodham Clinton famously stated that "children's rights" is a slogan in search of a definition, used to bolster various arguments for peace and for specific rights, but without any coherent conception of children as political beings. In 1989, the United Nations established the basis for this definition in the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), a document every nation in the world, save the United States, has ratified. Still, human rights theorists, scholars, and jurists continue to disagree as to the theoretical justification for children's human rights. In Suffer the Children, Richard P. Hiskes establishes the first substantive theoretical foundation for the human rights of children. As Hiskes argues, recognizing the rights of children fundamentally alters the meaning and usefulness of human rights in a global context. Ironically, the case for children's rights, as Hiskes argues, should be seen as the evolution, distillation, or "maturing" of human rights in general. Children's human rights will end the debate about whether groups can have rights because, globally, many rights claims today are precisely group claims, including those from children. Moreover, Hiskes provides a new critical assessment of the United Nations CRC and explores child activism for human rights worldwide--in courts, on social networks, and in public demonstrations--to show how children are already claiming their rights in ways that will fundamentally change the meaning both of rights themselves and of democratic processes. Giving children rights in a way that avoids privileging any single cultural experience of children would make rights no longer a "Western," individualistic idea, but a truly global one.

In 1973, Hillary Rodham Clinton famously stated that "children''s rights" is a slogan in search of a definition, used to bolster various arguments for peace and for specific rights, but without any coherent conception of children as political beings. In 1989, the United Nations established the basis for this definition in the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), a document every nation in the world, save the United States, has ratified. Still, human rights theorists, scholars, and jurists continue to disagree as to the theoretical justification for children''s human rights. In Suffer the Children, Richard P. Hiskes establishes the first substantive theoretical foundation for the human rights of children. As Hiskes argues, recognizing the rights of children fundamentally alters the meaning and usefulness of human rights in a global context. Ironically, the case for children''s rights, as Hiskes argues, should be seen as the evolution, distillation, or "maturing" of human rights in general. Children''s human rights will end the debate about whether groups can have rights because, globally, many rights claims today are precisely group claims, including those from children. Moreover, Hiskes provides a new critical assessment of the United Nations CRC and explores child activism for human rights worldwide--in courts, on social networks, and in public demonstrations--to show how children are already claiming their rights in ways that will fundamentally change the meaning both of rights themselves and of democratic processes. Giving children rights in a way that avoids privileging any single cultural experience of children would make rights no longer a "Western," individualistic idea, but a truly global one.

In 1973, Hillary Rodham Clinton famously stated that "children''s rights" is a slogan in search of a definition, used to bolster various arguments for peace and for specific rights, but without any coherent conception of children as political beings. In 1989, the United Nations established the basis for this definition in the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), a document every nation in the world, save the United States, has ratified. Still, human rights theorists, scholars, and jurists continue to disagree as to the theoretical justification for children''s human rights. In Suffer the Children, Richard P. Hiskes establishes the first substantive theoretical foundation for the human rights of children. As Hiskes argues, recognizing the rights of children fundamentally alters the meaning and usefulness of human rights in a global context. Ironically, the case for children''s rights, as Hiskes argues, should be seen as the evolution, distillation, or "maturing" of human rights in general. Children''s human rights will end the debate about whether groups can have rights because, globally, many rights claims today are precisely group claims, including those from children. Moreover, Hiskes provides a new critical assessment of the United Nations CRC and explores child activism for human rights worldwide--in courts, on social networks, and in public demonstrations--to show how children are already claiming their rights in ways that will fundamentally change the meaning both of rights themselves and of democratic processes. Giving children rights in a way that avoids privileging any single cultural experience of children would make rights no longer a "Western," individualistic idea, but a truly global one.

This text, written by a philosopher of science and a political theorist, introduces students to the issues and controversies surrounding science and technology policy in the United States. As the impact of technological advancement is increasingly felt, the policy-making process for science and technology is undergoing a marked transition. The making of this policy is no longer solely the function of government agencies and institutions. New actors in the policy arena are raising questions about the future of technological advancement in the United States and elsewhere, and their voices are affecting—sometimes obstructing—the traditional policy process. This book surveys the entire domain of science and technology policy making with special emphasis on the growing role of citizen participation, the ethical issues raised by modern policy problems, and the general principles that guide current policy. The authors discuss current philosophical views about the nature of science and technology as social and political entities and also consider the history of the relations between these fields and political authority. They combine an issues and case study approach with a narrative discussion of how ethical, participatory, and institutional factors have merged in the policy process. Among the topics addressed are nuclear power and siting policy, hazardous waste, communications technology, and biomedical technology. After reviewing the difficult problems facing the modern policy maker, the authors assess the methods and ethical assumptions of the current policy-making framework and consider alternatives that are more sensitive to the complexity of contemporary policy issues. Intended as a core text for courses in "Science, Technology, and Public Policy," the book can also be used in interdisciplinary courses focusing on the relationship between science, technology, and society. The text is also appropriate for courses in the philosophy of science and technology and for courses in social and political philosophy.

This book presents an argument for environmental human rights as the basis of intergenerational environmental justice. It argues that the rights to clean air, water, and soil should be seen as the environmental human rights of both present and future generations. It presents several new conceptualizations central to the development of theories of both human rights and justice, including emergent human rights, reflexive reciprocity as the foundation of justice, and a communitarian foundation for human rights that both protects the rights of future generations and makes possible an international consensus on human rights, beginning with environmental human rights. In the process of making the case for environmental human rights, the book surveys and contributes to the entire fields of human rights theory and environmental justice.

This book presents an argument for environmental human rights as the basis of intergenerational environmental justice. It argues that the rights to clean air, water, and soil should be seen as the environmental human rights of both present and future generations. It presents several new conceptualizations central to the development of theories of both human rights and justice, including emergent human rights, reflexive reciprocity as the foundation of justice, and a communitarian foundation for human rights that both protects the rights of future generations and makes possible an international consensus on human rights, beginning with environmental human rights. In the process of making the case for environmental human rights, the book surveys and contributes to the entire fields of human rights theory and environmental justice.

This text, written by a philosopher of science and a political theorist, introduces students to the issues and controversies surrounding science and technology policy in the United States. As the impact of technological advancement is increasingly felt, the policy-making process for science and technology is undergoing a marked transition. The making of this policy is no longer solely the function of government agencies and institutions. New actors in the policy arena are raising questions about the future of technological advancement in the United States and elsewhere, and their voices are affecting—sometimes obstructing—the traditional policy process. This book surveys the entire domain of science and technology policy making with special emphasis on the growing role of citizen participation, the ethical issues raised by modern policy problems, and the general principles that guide current policy. The authors discuss current philosophical views about the nature of science and technology as social and political entities and also consider the history of the relations between these fields and political authority. They combine an issues and case study approach with a narrative discussion of how ethical, participatory, and institutional factors have merged in the policy process. Among the topics addressed are nuclear power and siting policy, hazardous waste, communications technology, and biomedical technology. After reviewing the difficult problems facing the modern policy maker, the authors assess the methods and ethical assumptions of the current policy-making framework and consider alternatives that are more sensitive to the complexity of contemporary policy issues. Intended as a core text for courses in "Science, Technology, and Public Policy," the book can also be used in interdisciplinary courses focusing on the relationship between science, technology, and society. The text is also appropriate for courses in the philosophy of science and technology and for courses in social and political philosophy.