Following the 2007–2008 global financial crisis, a number of prominent academics, journalists, and activists were quick to pronounce the demise of neoliberal capitalism and governance. This rather optimistic prediction, however, underestimated the extent to which neoliberalism has shaped the 21st-century world order and become entrenched in our sociopolitical and cognitive fabric. Indeed, 11 years after the crisis, and in spite of the significant levels of socioeconomic inequality, psychological distress, and environmental destruction generated by neoliberal policies and corresponding business and cultural practices, the ideological hegemony of neoliberalism has not been supplanted, nor has it really faced any serious unsettling. How, then, has neoliberalism inflected and shaped our “common-sense” understandings of what is politically, economically, and culturally viable? To help answer this question, this book combines leading theories from sociology, media-communication research, developmental psychology, and cognitive science, and draws on primary evidence from a unique mix of ethnographic, survey, and experimental studies – of young people’s leisure practices and educational experiences, of young adults’ political socialisation processes in relation to exposure to social networking sites, and of the effects of commercial media viewing on material values and support for social welfare. In doing so, it provides a nuanced and robustly empirically tested account of how the conscious and non-conscious cognitive dimensions of people’s subjectivities and everyday social practices become interpellated through and reproductive of neoliberal ideology. As such, this book will appeal to scholars across the social and behavioural sciences with interests in neoliberalism, political engagement, enculturation, social reproduction, and media effects.

Following the 2007–2008 global financial crisis, a number of prominent academics, journalists, and activists were quick to pronounce the demise of neoliberal capitalism and governance. This rather optimistic prediction, however, underestimated the extent to which neoliberalism has shaped the 21st-century world order and become entrenched in our sociopolitical and cognitive fabric. Indeed, 11 years after the crisis, and in spite of the significant levels of socioeconomic inequality, psychological distress, and environmental destruction generated by neoliberal policies and corresponding business and cultural practices, the ideological hegemony of neoliberalism has not been supplanted, nor has it really faced any serious unsettling. How, then, has neoliberalism inflected and shaped our “common-sense” understandings of what is politically, economically, and culturally viable? To help answer this question, this book combines leading theories from sociology, media-communication research, developmental psychology, and cognitive science, and draws on primary evidence from a unique mix of ethnographic, survey, and experimental studies – of young people’s leisure practices and educational experiences, of young adults’ political socialisation processes in relation to exposure to social networking sites, and of the effects of commercial media viewing on material values and support for social welfare. In doing so, it provides a nuanced and robustly empirically tested account of how the conscious and non-conscious cognitive dimensions of people’s subjectivities and everyday social practices become interpellated through and reproductive of neoliberal ideology. As such, this book will appeal to scholars across the social and behavioural sciences with interests in neoliberalism, political engagement, enculturation, social reproduction, and media effects.

This book empirically tests, compares, and explains the effects of British and American legacy conservative press and far-right websites, on accordant political views and behavioural intentions.

Correspondingly, the 2016 Brexit Referendum and American Presidential election results are often attributed to the spread of fake news through social media, Russian Bots, and alt-right news websites. This has raised concerns about the impact of digital disinformation on democracy, as well as the rise of nativist parties and movements worldwide. However, this book argues that these causal attributions are largely based on unproven assumptions and deflect attention from the more influential and harmful role of traditional conservative media.

To support this argument, Leyva incorporates insights from various fields such as neurocognitive science, media-communication research, cross-cultural psychology, and sociology. Additionally, the book presents primary evidence from a series of experiments that examined the effects of candidate-related fake news and immigration coverage from both old and new media right-wing sources. These experiments focused on how such content influences anti-immigrant attitudes and voter preferences. By doing so, the book provides a nuanced and robustly tested theoretical account of how right-wing media affects political beliefs, sentiments, and practices at the neuronal level, and of how this can in turn negatively impact democratic multicultural societies.

Given its interdisciplinary approach, this book will be of interest to scholars in the social, behavioural, and cognitive sciences who are studying media psychology, online misinformation, authoritarian populism, political sociology, new media, and journalism.

This book empirically tests, compares, and explains the effects of British and American legacy conservative press and far-right websites, on accordant political views and behavioural intentions.

Correspondingly, the 2016 Brexit Referendum and American Presidential election results are often attributed to the spread of fake news through social media, Russian Bots, and alt-right news websites. This has raised concerns about the impact of digital disinformation on democracy, as well as the rise of nativist parties and movements worldwide. However, this book argues that these causal attributions are largely based on unproven assumptions and deflect attention from the more influential and harmful role of traditional conservative media.

To support this argument, Leyva incorporates insights from various fields such as neurocognitive science, media-communication research, cross-cultural psychology, and sociology. Additionally, the book presents primary evidence from a series of experiments that examined the effects of candidate-related fake news and immigration coverage from both old and new media right-wing sources. These experiments focused on how such content influences anti-immigrant attitudes and voter preferences. By doing so, the book provides a nuanced and robustly tested theoretical account of how right-wing media affects political beliefs, sentiments, and practices at the neuronal level, and of how this can in turn negatively impact democratic multicultural societies.

Given its interdisciplinary approach, this book will be of interest to scholars in the social, behavioural, and cognitive sciences who are studying media psychology, online misinformation, authoritarian populism, political sociology, new media, and journalism.

Following the 2007–2008 global financial crisis, a number of prominent academics, journalists, and activists were quick to pronounce the demise of neoliberal capitalism and governance. This rather optimistic prediction, however, underestimated the extent to which neoliberalism has shaped the 21st-century world order and become entrenched in our sociopolitical and cognitive fabric. Indeed, 11 years after the crisis, and in spite of the significant levels of socioeconomic inequality, psychological distress, and environmental destruction generated by neoliberal policies and corresponding business and cultural practices, the ideological hegemony of neoliberalism has not been supplanted, nor has it really faced any serious unsettling. How, then, has neoliberalism inflected and shaped our “common-sense” understandings of what is politically, economically, and culturally viable? To help answer this question, this book combines leading theories from sociology, media-communication research, developmental psychology, and cognitive science, and draws on primary evidence from a unique mix of ethnographic, survey, and experimental studies – of young people’s leisure practices and educational experiences, of young adults’ political socialisation processes in relation to exposure to social networking sites, and of the effects of commercial media viewing on material values and support for social welfare. In doing so, it provides a nuanced and robustly empirically tested account of how the conscious and non-conscious cognitive dimensions of people’s subjectivities and everyday social practices become interpellated through and reproductive of neoliberal ideology. As such, this book will appeal to scholars across the social and behavioural sciences with interests in neoliberalism, political engagement, enculturation, social reproduction, and media effects.

Following the 2007–2008 global financial crisis, a number of prominent academics, journalists, and activists were quick to pronounce the demise of neoliberal capitalism and governance. This rather optimistic prediction, however, underestimated the extent to which neoliberalism has shaped the 21st-century world order and become entrenched in our sociopolitical and cognitive fabric. Indeed, 11 years after the crisis, and in spite of the significant levels of socioeconomic inequality, psychological distress, and environmental destruction generated by neoliberal policies and corresponding business and cultural practices, the ideological hegemony of neoliberalism has not been supplanted, nor has it really faced any serious unsettling. How, then, has neoliberalism inflected and shaped our “common-sense” understandings of what is politically, economically, and culturally viable? To help answer this question, this book combines leading theories from sociology, media-communication research, developmental psychology, and cognitive science, and draws on primary evidence from a unique mix of ethnographic, survey, and experimental studies – of young people’s leisure practices and educational experiences, of young adults’ political socialisation processes in relation to exposure to social networking sites, and of the effects of commercial media viewing on material values and support for social welfare. In doing so, it provides a nuanced and robustly empirically tested account of how the conscious and non-conscious cognitive dimensions of people’s subjectivities and everyday social practices become interpellated through and reproductive of neoliberal ideology. As such, this book will appeal to scholars across the social and behavioural sciences with interests in neoliberalism, political engagement, enculturation, social reproduction, and media effects.

This book empirically tests, compares, and explains the effects of British and American legacy conservative press and far-right websites, on accordant political views and behavioural intentions.

Correspondingly, the 2016 Brexit Referendum and American Presidential election results are often attributed to the spread of fake news through social media, Russian Bots, and alt-right news websites. This has raised concerns about the impact of digital disinformation on democracy, as well as the rise of nativist parties and movements worldwide. However, this book argues that these causal attributions are largely based on unproven assumptions and deflect attention from the more influential and harmful role of traditional conservative media.

To support this argument, Leyva incorporates insights from various fields such as neurocognitive science, media-communication research, cross-cultural psychology, and sociology. Additionally, the book presents primary evidence from a series of experiments that examined the effects of candidate-related fake news and immigration coverage from both old and new media right-wing sources. These experiments focused on how such content influences anti-immigrant attitudes and voter preferences. By doing so, the book provides a nuanced and robustly tested theoretical account of how right-wing media affects political beliefs, sentiments, and practices at the neuronal level, and of how this can in turn negatively impact democratic multicultural societies.

Given its interdisciplinary approach, this book will be of interest to scholars in the social, behavioural, and cognitive sciences who are studying media psychology, online misinformation, authoritarian populism, political sociology, new media, and journalism.

This book empirically tests, compares, and explains the effects of British and American legacy conservative press and far-right websites, on accordant political views and behavioural intentions.

Correspondingly, the 2016 Brexit Referendum and American Presidential election results are often attributed to the spread of fake news through social media, Russian Bots, and alt-right news websites. This has raised concerns about the impact of digital disinformation on democracy, as well as the rise of nativist parties and movements worldwide. However, this book argues that these causal attributions are largely based on unproven assumptions and deflect attention from the more influential and harmful role of traditional conservative media.

To support this argument, Leyva incorporates insights from various fields such as neurocognitive science, media-communication research, cross-cultural psychology, and sociology. Additionally, the book presents primary evidence from a series of experiments that examined the effects of candidate-related fake news and immigration coverage from both old and new media right-wing sources. These experiments focused on how such content influences anti-immigrant attitudes and voter preferences. By doing so, the book provides a nuanced and robustly tested theoretical account of how right-wing media affects political beliefs, sentiments, and practices at the neuronal level, and of how this can in turn negatively impact democratic multicultural societies.

Given its interdisciplinary approach, this book will be of interest to scholars in the social, behavioural, and cognitive sciences who are studying media psychology, online misinformation, authoritarian populism, political sociology, new media, and journalism.