Rui Graca Feijo – författare

From a much neglected Portuguese colony to independence, Timor-Leste travelled a belated, long and troubled journey that included a 24-year Indonesian occupation. A classic process of European decolonization (1974-1975) was followed by a nationalist struggle against "e;Third World Colonialism"e; (1975-1999), and a final phase under the direct aegis of the United Nations (1999-2002). More than a direct relation between coloniser and colonised, this turbulent process involved the participation of many different actors scattered around the world. The "e;Timor Issue"e; brought to the scene a martyred people's determination, the diplomacy of several nations (friends or foes), the involvement of the United Nations, and the activism of solidarity networks. This collection adopts a transnational approach that highlights the complexity of Timor-Leste's road to independence.

From a much neglected Portuguese colony to independence, Timor-Leste travelled a belated, long and troubled journey that included a 24-year Indonesian occupation. A classic process of European decolonization (1974-1975) was followed by a nationalist struggle against "e;Third World Colonialism"e; (1975-1999), and a final phase under the direct aegis of the United Nations (1999-2002). More than a direct relation between coloniser and colonised, this turbulent process involved the participation of many different actors scattered around the world. The "e;Timor Issue"e; brought to the scene a martyred people's determination, the diplomacy of several nations (friends or foes), the involvement of the United Nations, and the activism of solidarity networks. This collection adopts a transnational approach that highlights the complexity of Timor-Leste's road to independence.

From a much neglected Portuguese colony to independence, Timor-Leste travelled a belated, long and troubled journey that included a 24-year Indonesian occupation. A classic process of European decolonization (1974–1975) was followed by a nationalist struggle against “Third World Colonialism” (1975–1999), and a final phase under the direct aegis of the United Nations (1999–2002). More than a direct relation between coloniser and colonised, this turbulent process involved the participation of many different actors scattered around the world. The “Timor Issue” brought to the scene a martyred people’s determination, the diplomacy of several nations (friends or foes), the involvement of the United Nations, and the activism of solidarity networks. This collection adopts a transnational approach that highlights the complexity of Timor-Leste’s road to independence.

This book offers a comparative perspective on the semi-presidential regimes of Portugal and Timor-Leste, suggesting that they both reserve a “moderating power” for presidents in line with what was theorized by Benjamin Constant. Historical legacies, political culture and short-term political considerations combined create an institutional design that has endured and produced incentives to power-sharing and inclusiveness. A critical element of this model finds roots in the electoral system facilitating the emergence of “independent” presidents with political platforms that tend to supersede those of political parties. Elected presidents dispose of an array of competences that do not overlap with those of prime ministers, but represent a category of its own. The vast array of presidential competences contributes to reinforcing a system of checks and balances, and to foster horizontal accountability. The book argues that this specific form of government with “moderating powers” and presidents who are largely “independent” from the party system contributed to the successful democratic transitions of Portugal and Timor-Leste.

This book offers a comparative perspective on the semi-presidential regimes of Portugal and Timor-Leste, suggesting that they both reserve a “moderating power” for presidents in line with what was theorized by Benjamin Constant. Historical legacies, political culture and short-term political considerations combined create an institutional design that has endured and produced incentives to power-sharing and inclusiveness. A critical element of this model finds roots in the electoral system facilitating the emergence of “independent” presidents with political platforms that tend to supersede those of political parties. Elected presidents dispose of an array of competences that do not overlap with those of prime ministers, but represent a category of its own. The vast array of presidential competences contributes to reinforcing a system of checks and balances, and to foster horizontal accountability. The book argues that this specific form of government with “moderating powers” and presidents who are largely “independent” from the party system contributed to the successful democratic transitions of Portugal and Timor-Leste.