Sudha Pai - Böcker

With the demolition of the Babri Masjid and subsequent riots of the late 1980s and 1990s in Uttar Pradesh, the period that followed appeared relatively peaceful. Only at the turn of the century, India witnessed a strong wave of communalism in early 2000s. After the Godhra riots of Gujarat in 2002, Uttar Pradesh saw a series of them--in Mau in 2005, Lucknow in 2006, Gorakhpur in 2007, and Muzaffarnagar in 2013--announcing the return of fundamentalism in the Bharatiya Janta Party's core agenda of Hindutva politics. Everyday Communalism not only attempts to explore the anatomy of a Hindu-Muslim riot and its aftermath, but also examines the inner workings that enable deep-seated polarization between communities. Pai and Kumar show that frequent, low-intensity communal clashes pegged on routine everyday issues and resources help establish a permanent anti-Muslim prejudice among Hindus legitimizing majoritarian rule in the eyes of an increasingly polarized, intolerant, and entitled majority community of Hindus. Uttar Pradesh's rising cultural aspirations; economic anxieties to move away from its traditionally backward status; a deep caste-marked agrarian crisis; and sharp inequalities and acute poverty further play into the making a new post-Ayodhya phase of Hindutva politics.

Dalit assertion has been a central feature of the states in the Hindi heartland since the mid-1980s, leading to the rise of political consciousness and identity-based lower-caste parties. The present study focuses on the different political response of the Congress party to identity assertion in Madhya Pradesh under the leadership of Digvijay Singh. In Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, in response to the strong wave of Dalit assertion that swept the region, parties such as the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) used strategies of political mobilisation to consolidate Dalit/backward votes and capture state power. In Madhya Pradesh, in contrast, the Congress party and Digvijay Singh at the historic Bhopal Conference held in January 2002 adopted a new model of development that attempted to mobilise Dalits and tribals and raise their standard of living by providing them economic empowerment. This new Dalit Agenda constitutes an alternative strategy at gaining Dalit/tribal support through of state-sponsored economic upliftment as opposed to the political mobilisation strategy employed by the BSP in Uttar Pradesh. The present study puts to test the limits of the model of state-led development, of the use of political power by an enlightened political elite to introduce change from above to address the weaker sections of society. The working of the state is thus analysed in the context of the society in which it is embedded and the former’s ability to insulate itself from powerful vested interests. In interrogating this state-led redistributive paradigm, the study has generated empirical data based on extensive fieldwork and brought to the fore both the potentials and the limitations of using the model of ‘development from above’ in a democracy. It suggests that the absence of an upsurge from below limits the ability of an enlightened political elite that mans the developmental state to introduce social change and help the weaker sections of society.

The volume analyses the complex historical and political context for the processes of state formation in independent India. It provides both a conceptual and empirical framework for an understanding of Indian democracy through the perspective of reorganisation of states.Following the recommendations of the States Reorganisation Commission (SRC) in 1956, the territorial boundaries of the states were redrawn. However, within a decade, the geo-linguistic and cultural-ideological criteria could not be considered satisfactory for the future division of states. With the formation of three new states (Chhattisgarh, Uttarakhand and Jharkhand) and the demand for Telangana statehood not accepted as yet, new dimensions and perspectives about state formation as a critical political practice have surfaced yet again in contemporary India. The book addresses a number of significant themes related to states reorganisation and its effects — questions of underdevelopment, size, political participation, governance, cultural identities — and also analyses the demand for smaller states. It focuses on different states, their historical and contemporary trajectory leading to the demand for territorial remapping and thus recognising specific political and cultural resources, and identities in the regions and sub-regions of states in India.The book will be useful for those studying politics, history, sociology, comparative politics and South Asian Studies.

Dalits in the New Millennium interrogates the major aspects of Dalit experience in multiple spheres and traces how Dalit politics is no longer merely content with desire for social justice but has become more assertive and aspirational in its demands. The volume represents the individual voices of the editors and contributors, who are eminent academics and activists, and situates Dalit life amidst all the major changes that have occurred over the last three decades. It aims to provide a more holistic approach to studying the community's socio-economic and political life in the new millennium and adds to the existing literature on Dalit politics, focusing especially on the changes that are taking place in the realm of electoral politics, popular culture, political economy, ideological worldview, and representation, among others.

Dalits in the New Millennium interrogates the major aspects of Dalit experience in multiple spheres and traces how Dalit politics is no longer merely content with desire for social justice but has become more assertive and aspirational in its demands. The volume represents the individual voices of the editors and contributors, who are eminent academics and activists, and situates Dalit life amidst all the major changes that have occurred over the last three decades. It aims to provide a more holistic approach to studying the community's socio-economic and political life in the new millennium and adds to the existing literature on Dalit politics, focusing especially on the changes that are taking place in the realm of electoral politics, popular culture, political economy, ideological worldview, and representation, among others.

The volume analyses the complex historical and political context for the processes of state formation in independent India. It provides both a conceptual and empirical framework for an understanding of Indian democracy through the perspective of reorganisation of states.Following the recommendations of the States Reorganisation Commission (SRC) in 1956, the territorial boundaries of the states were redrawn. However, within a decade, the geo-linguistic and cultural-ideological criteria could not be considered satisfactory for the future division of states. With the formation of three new states (Chhattisgarh, Uttarakhand and Jharkhand) and the demand for Telangana statehood not accepted as yet, new dimensions and perspectives about state formation as a critical political practice have surfaced yet again in contemporary India. The book addresses a number of significant themes related to states reorganisation and its effects — questions of underdevelopment, size, political participation, governance, cultural identities — and also analyses the demand for smaller states. It focuses on different states, their historical and contemporary trajectory leading to the demand for territorial remapping and thus recognising specific political and cultural resources, and identities in the regions and sub-regions of states in India.The book will be useful for those studying politics, history, sociology, comparative politics and South Asian Studies.

Dalit assertion has been a central feature of the states in the Hindi heartland since the mid-1980s, leading to the rise of political consciousness and identity-based lower-caste parties. The present study focuses on the different political response of the Congress party to identity assertion in Madhya Pradesh under the leadership of Digvijay Singh. In Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, in response to the strong wave of Dalit assertion that swept the region, parties such as the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) used strategies of political mobilisation to consolidate Dalit/backward votes and capture state power. In Madhya Pradesh, in contrast, the Congress party and Digvijay Singh at the historic Bhopal Conference held in January 2002 adopted a new model of development that attempted to mobilise Dalits and tribals and raise their standard of living by providing them economic empowerment. This new Dalit Agenda constitutes an alternative strategy at gaining Dalit/tribal support through of state-sponsored economic upliftment as opposed to the political mobilisation strategy employed by the BSP in Uttar Pradesh. The present study puts to test the limits of the model of state-led development, of the use of political power by an enlightened political elite to introduce change from above to address the weaker sections of society. The working of the state is thus analysed in the context of the society in which it is embedded and the former’s ability to insulate itself from powerful vested interests. In interrogating this state-led redistributive paradigm, the study has generated empirical data based on extensive fieldwork and brought to the fore both the potentials and the limitations of using the model of ‘development from above’ in a democracy. It suggests that the absence of an upsurge from below limits the ability of an enlightened political elite that mans the developmental state to introduce social change and help the weaker sections of society.