Taras Kuzio – författare

Ukraine played a key role in the dissolution of the former USSR, and its continued independence will have a decisive impact upon the transformation of Russia itself into either a new empire or Western democracy. The economic crisis and mismanagement that engulfed Ukraine during 1993 through 1994 led many in the West and among Ukraine's neighbors to question the country's long-term viability as an independent state. In 1995 Ukraine has entered a new era reflecting its importance as a linchpin of regional security and stability in Europe. This study discusses Ukrainian security policies and their implications for Western policy. It makes a compelling case for greater Western aid and political support for Ukrainian independence and territorial integrity.

Ukraine played a key role in the dissolution of the former USSR, and its continued independence will have a decisive impact upon the transformation of Russia itself into either a new empire or Western democracy. The economic crisis and mismanagement that engulfed Ukraine during 1993 through 1994 led many in the West and among Ukraine's neighbors to question the country's long-term viability as an independent state. In 1995 Ukraine has entered a new era reflecting its importance as a linchpin of regional security and stability in Europe. This study discusses Ukrainian security policies and their implications for Western policy. It makes a compelling case for greater Western aid and political support for Ukrainian independence and territorial integrity.

A key country for stability and security in Europe, Ukraine is struggling to create consistent foreign and security policies. Political alliances, identity struggles, economic goals, and geopolitical position all pull this newly emergent state in different and often conflicting directions. Due to its dependencies on both the West and Russia, Ukraine's foreign policy is in a state of flux. To ensure stability in this newly-emergent state, the contributors to this volume argue that the West should be more assertive in offering an unambiguous developmental perspective, supporting democracy and the rule of law, and offer E.U. affiliation in the near future.International Relations theory and Ukraine's foreign policy are examined in the first section, followed by chapters exploring civil-military relations. Next comes a look at Ukraine's foreign and security policy orientations in comparative context. The book concludes with chapters focusing on matters of national identity, ideology, and their impact on Ukrainian security policy. Scholars and analysts of contemporary Eastern European politics will be interested in what these well-known scholars and government officials have to say about the contemporary state of affairs in this pivotal nation.

How has the Ukrainian state sought to build national identity over the past decade, and with what results? The premise of the book is that assertions about the role of the state in identity politics should be treated as questions to be debated theoretically and studied empirically instead of assumptions made casually and left unexamined. Each essay begins with a common set of questions. Is it true that overcoming Ukraine's current cleavages is a prerequisite for holding the country together or for reforming it? How have the legacies of history constrained the state's nation-building project? What obstructing cleavages exist, and what sorts of national identity might provide a solid foundation for building an overarching Ukrainian national identity? Statistical analysis of mass attitudes, case studies on culture, education, the military, and foreign policy provide a detailed look at efforts to promote national identity, with surprising conclusions. Taken together the essays provide an overdue evaluation of the role of the state in nation building.

With the expansion of NATO, Ukraine is frequently described as the ?linchpin? of security in Central Europe. And after Russia, it is the largest and most important of the post-Soviet states. Yet it is a country about which most westerners know very little, subsumed as it was for decades beneath the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union. Ukrainian Pol

Ukraine: State and Nation Building explores the transformation of Soviet Ukraine into an independent state and examines the new elites and their role in the state building process, as well as other attributes of the modern nation-state such as borders, symbols, myths and national histories. Extensive primary sources and interviews with leading members of Ukranian elites, show that state building is an integral part of the transition process and cannot be divorced from democratization and the establishment of a market economy.

In 2000 a beheaded journalist was found in a remote forest near Kyiv. The corpse led to a scandal when it was revealed that it was that of a journalist critical of the authorities. The President was heard on tapes, made covertly in his office, ordering violence to be undertaken against the journalist. The scandal led to the creation of a wide protest movement that culminated in the victory of democratic opposition parties in 2002. The democratic opposition, led by its presidential candidate Viktor Yushchenko, fought a bitter and fraudulent election campaign in 2004 during which he was poisoned. Widespread election fraud led to Europe’s largest protest movement since the Cold War which became known as the Orange Revolution, known after the campaign colour of the democratic opposition.This book is the first to provide a collection of studies surveying different aspects of the rise of the Ukraine’s democratic opposition from marginalization, to protest against presidential abuse of office and culminating in the Orange Revolution. It integrates the Kuchmagate crisis of 2000-2001 with that of the Orange Revolution four years later providing a rich, detailed and original study of the origins of the Orange Revolution.This book was published as a special issue of the Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics.

In 2000 a beheaded journalist was found in a remote forest near Kyiv. The corpse led to a scandal when it was revealed that it was that of a journalist critical of the authorities. The President was heard on tapes, made covertly in his office, ordering violence to be undertaken against the journalist. The scandal led to the creation of a wide protest movement that culminated in the victory of democratic opposition parties in 2002. The democratic opposition, led by its presidential candidate Viktor Yushchenko, fought a bitter and fraudulent election campaign in 2004 during which he was poisoned. Widespread election fraud led to Europe’s largest protest movement since the Cold War which became known as the Orange Revolution, known after the campaign colour of the democratic opposition.This book is the first to provide a collection of studies surveying different aspects of the rise of the Ukraine’s democratic opposition from marginalization, to protest against presidential abuse of office and culminating in the Orange Revolution. It integrates the Kuchmagate crisis of 2000-2001 with that of the Orange Revolution four years later providing a rich, detailed and original study of the origins of the Orange Revolution.This book was published as a special issue of the Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics.

Exploring the post-Communist transition that has taken place in the Ukraine, this text covers: nation and state building; national identity and regionalism; politics and civil society; economic transition; and security policy.

With the expansion of NATO, Ukraine is frequently described as the ?linchpin? of security in Central Europe. And after Russia, it is the largest and most important of the post-Soviet states. Yet it is a country about which most westerners know very little, subsumed as it was for decades beneath the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union. Ukrainian Politics and Society is the first comprehensive study of politics in post-Soviet Ukraine, and is therefore vital reading for anyone concerned with European security, or with politics in the former Soviet Union.The authors' extensive experience in Ukraine allows them to explain the paradoxes of Ukrainian politics that have led to so many false predictions concerning the future of the Ukrainian state. Their examination of nationality politics shows why ethnic and regional differences have tended to recede rather than to spin out of control, as they have elsewhere in the region. At the same time, these differences hamstring the country's political system, and the authors show how difficult a task it is for democratic institutions to provide effective government in a country with little consensus. By viewing economic reform in its profoundly political context, the authors expose the chasm between the theory and practice of economic reform. Understanding of how to make profits has not been lacking, but government regulation to ensure that profit-seeking behavior leads to functioning markets has been conspicuously absent.By examining in detail how Ukrainian politics has followed theoretical expectations and where it has contradicted them, the authors arrive at conclusions with implications well beyond Ukraine. Ukraine must first build a state and a nation before it can successfully reform its economy or build a genuine democracy. For Ukraine and its people, the task is daunting. For the west, whose security increasingly relies on stability in Ukraine, this book provides the knowledge necessary to approach the problem, as well as good reason not to ignore it.

Understanding why Russia invaded Ukraine in 2014 and 2022 is vital for preparing for what may come next. This groundbreaking book is the first to provide an interdisciplinary study of the first full-scale war in Europe since 1945, which is having global ramifications on interstate relations, international law, international organisations, energy questions and economies. Written by two leading scholars of Ukrainian and Russian politics and history, and based on extensive field work and primary sources, the book moves beyond established Western ideas about Russia to show that Russian military aggression against Ukraine is domestically, not externally, driven. The authors analyse the statements and policies of the Russian leadership under Putin, Russia's post-communist political culture and Russia's understanding of itself as a civilisation without borders. Imperial nationalism, nostalgia, Russia's divergent identity and political system to Ukraine's, and Kremlin anti-Western xenophobia are the key elements underlying Russian aggression.

Understanding why Russia invaded Ukraine in 2014 and 2022 is vital for preparing for what may come next. This groundbreaking book is the first to provide an interdisciplinary study of the first full-scale war in Europe since 1945, which is having global ramifications on interstate relations, international law, international organisations, energy questions and economies. Written by two leading scholars of Ukrainian and Russian politics and history, and based on extensive field work and primary sources, the book moves beyond established Western ideas about Russia to show that Russian military aggression against Ukraine is domestically, not externally, driven. The authors analyse the statements and policies of the Russian leadership under Putin, Russia's post-communist political culture and Russia's understanding of itself as a civilisation without borders. Imperial nationalism, nostalgia, Russia's divergent identity and political system to Ukraine's, and Kremlin anti-Western xenophobia are the key elements underlying Russian aggression.

This book is the first to provide an in-depth understanding of the 2014 crisis, Russia’s annexation of Crimea and Europe’s de facto war between Russia and Ukraine. The book provides a historical and contemporary understanding behind President Vladimir Putin Russia’s obsession with Ukraine and why Western opprobrium and sanctions have not deterred Russian military aggression. The volume provides a wealth of detail about the inability of Russia, from the time of the Tsarist Empire, throughout the era of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), and since the dissolution of the latter in 1991, to accept Ukraine as an independent country and Ukrainians as a people distinct and separate from Russians. The book highlights the sources of this lack of acceptance in aspects of Russian national identity. In the Soviet period, Russians principally identified themselves not with the Russian Soviet Federative Republic, but rather with the USSR as a whole. Attempts in the 1990s to forge a post-imperial Russian civic identity grounded in the newly independent Russian Federation were unpopular, and notions of a far larger Russian ‘imagined community’ came to the fore. A post-Soviet integration of Tsarist Russian great power nationalism and White Russian émigré chauvinism had already transformed and hardened Russian denial of the existence of Ukraine and Ukrainians as a people, even prior to the 2014 crises in Crimea and the Donbas. Bringing an end to both the Russian occupation of Crimea and to the broader Russian–Ukrainian conflict can be expected to meet obstacles not only from the Russian de facto President-for-life, Vladimir Putin, but also from how Russia perceives its national identity.

This book is the first to provide an in-depth understanding of the 2014 crisis, Russia’s annexation of Crimea and Europe’s de facto war between Russia and Ukraine. The book provides a historical and contemporary understanding behind President Vladimir Putin Russia’s obsession with Ukraine and why Western opprobrium and sanctions have not deterred Russian military aggression. The volume provides a wealth of detail about the inability of Russia, from the time of the Tsarist Empire, throughout the era of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), and since the dissolution of the latter in 1991, to accept Ukraine as an independent country and Ukrainians as a people distinct and separate from Russians. The book highlights the sources of this lack of acceptance in aspects of Russian national identity. In the Soviet period, Russians principally identified themselves not with the Russian Soviet Federative Republic, but rather with the USSR as a whole. Attempts in the 1990s to forge a post-imperial Russian civic identity grounded in the newly independent Russian Federation were unpopular, and notions of a far larger Russian ‘imagined community’ came to the fore. A post-Soviet integration of Tsarist Russian great power nationalism and White Russian émigré chauvinism had already transformed and hardened Russian denial of the existence of Ukraine and Ukrainians as a people, even prior to the 2014 crises in Crimea and the Donbas. Bringing an end to both the Russian occupation of Crimea and to the broader Russian–Ukrainian conflict can be expected to meet obstacles not only from the Russian de facto President-for-life, Vladimir Putin, but also from how Russia perceives its national identity.

Russian Nationalism and the Russian-Ukrainian War, the first edition of which was published before Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, was the first book to integrate the roots of Russian military aggression against Ukraine and genocidal policies towards Ukraine with a study of Russian imperial nationalism. The text of this second, revised, updated and extended edition, provides a historical and contemporary understanding behind President Vladimir Putin Russia’s obsession with Ukraine and the roots of Russia’s invasions of Ukraine in 2014 and 2022.The book investigates the inability of Russian imperial nationalism, from the time of the Tsarist Empire, throughout the era of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), and since the dissolution of the latter in 1991, to accept Ukraine as an independent country and Ukrainians as a people distinct and separate from Russians. The book highlights the sources of this lack of acceptance in a mythical pan-Russian nation composed of Great, Little, and White Russians (Russians, Ukrainians, Belarusians respectively). The book analyses why these Russian imperial nationalist myths led to the Kremlin’s mistaken belief in a quick three-day victory of its so-called special military operation, which rather led to years of full-scale war.

Ukraine: State and Nation Building explores the transformation of Soviet Ukraine into an independent state and examines the new elites and their role in the state building process, as well as other attributes of the modern nation-state such as borders, symbols, myths and national histories. Extensive primary sources and interviews with leading members of Ukranian elites, show that state building is an integral part of the transition process and cannot be divorced from democratization and the establishment of a market economy.

Ukraine under Kuchma is the first survey of recent developments in post-soviet Ukraine.

A definitive contemporary political, economic, and cultural history from a leading international expert, this is the first single-volume work to survey and analyze Soviet and post-Soviet Ukrainian history since 1953 as the basis for understanding the nation today.Ukraine dominated international headlines as the Euromaidan protests engulfed Ukraine in 2013–2014 and Russia invaded the Crimea and the Donbas, igniting a new Cold War. Written from an insider's perspective by the leading expert on Ukraine, this book analyzes key domestic and external developments and provides an understanding as to why the nation's future is central to European security. In contrast with traditional books that survey a millennium of Ukrainian history, author Taras Kuzio provides a contemporary perspective that integrates the late Soviet and post-Soviet eras. The book begins in 1953 when Soviet leader Joseph Stalin died during the Cold War and carries the story to the present day, showing the roots of a complicated transition from communism and the weight of history on its relations with Russia. It then goes on to examine in depth key aspects of Soviet and post-Soviet Ukrainian politics; the drive to independence, Orange Revolution, and Euromaidan protests; national identity; regionalism and separatism; economics; oligarchs; rule of law and corruption; and foreign and military policies.Moving away from a traditional dichotomy of "good pro-Western" and "bad pro-Russian" politicians, this volume presents an original framework for understanding Ukraine's history as a series of historic cycles that represent a competition between mutually exclusive and multiple identities. Regionally diverse contemporary Ukraine is an outgrowth of multiple historical Austrian-Hungarian, Polish, Russian, and especially Soviet legacies, and the book succinctly integrates these influences with post-Soviet Ukraine, determining the manner in which political and business elites and everyday Ukrainians think, act, operate, and relate to the outside world.

Russia seems to be hurtling toward fascism. Vladimir Putin and his allies—domestic and foreign—have obliterated and colonised Ukrainian cities in a “holy war,” committed over 100,000 war crimes , introduced Draconian domestic crackdowns on free speech and political opposition, and rewritten the constitution to seize power in perpetuity. The state and its propagandists declare their intentions to destroy the Ukrainian state and commit genocide against the Ukrainian people, to overthrow the liberal international order, and to recreate the Tsarist and Soviet empires. Meanwhile, the Russian population languishes in a militarising culture in which civic life has been replaced by a cult of war, past and present. Each of these phenomena invites comparisons with past fascist regimes. This volume gathers leading experts in the first scholarly study of a new Russian fascism that draws on distinctly modern forms of control and violence as much as on historical precedents. An array of theoretical debates and case studies from across disciplines makes this a pioneering study of modern Russian politics. The volume’s contributors include Jaroslava Barbieri, Paul D’Anieri, Jolanta Darczewska, Maria Domanska, Ian Garner, Joanna Getka, Andreas Heinemann-Grüder, Taras Kuzio Alexander J. Motyl, Andreas Umland, and Michał Wawrzonek.