Tim Harris – författare

The late seventeenth century was a period of extraordinary turbulence and political violence in Britain, the like of which has never been seen since. Beginning with the Restoration of the monarchy after the Civil War, this book traces the fate of the monarchy from Charles II's triumphant accession in 1660 to the growing discontent of the 1680s. Harris looks beyond the popular image of Restoration England revelling in its freedom from the austerity of Puritan rule under a merry monarch and reconstructs the human tragedy of Restoration politics where people were brutalised, hounded and exploited by a regime that was desperately insecure after two decade of civil war and republican rule.

To an extraordinary extent everyone in Britain still lives under the shadow of the 'Glorious Revolution' of 1688. It was a massive, brutal and terrifying event, which completely changed the governments of England, Scotland and Ireland and which was only achieved through overwhelming violence. Revolution brilliantly captures the sense that this was a great turning point in Britain's history, but also shows how severe a price was paid to achieve this.

The late seventeenth century was a period of extraordinary turbulence and political violence in Britain, the like of which has never been seen since. Beginning with the Restoration of the monarchy after the Civil War, this book traces the fate of the monarchy from Charles II's triumphant accession in 1660 to the growing discontent of the 1680s. Harris looks beyond the popular image of Restoration England revelling in its freedom from the austerity of Puritan rule under a merry monarch and reconstructs the human tragedy of Restoration politics where people were brutalised, hounded and exploited by a regime that was desperately insecure after two decade of civil war and republican rule.

When rule-loving, leaf-collecting, piano-playing Jigsaw was naughty for good, he dropped his Ratbag friends in a bit of bother – he gave them a good reputation! This nightmare situation needs fixing, pronto, and Ripple and Onion are the best ratbags for the job. But while performing some rat-tastic mayhem, they fall into Cracker the cat’s claws… Will their midnight mischief turn them into a midnight snack? Only Jigsaw can help them now!

He’s the first teacher to cook us breakfast.Is his spark-maker beetle really that dangerous?I heard he drank yak’s milk in Mongolia.He’s the only person who isn’t afraid of Canteen Carol.My mum says he used to be in the circus.The class in room 12B has a new teacher, and nothing is ever going to be the same . . .

I wish Mr Bambuckle would come back.Who will cook us breakfast now?Miss Frost gave me detention just for answering a question.Mr Bambuckle said I’m about to discover magic – but how?There are some pretty strange things going on. It’s almost as if Mr Bambuckle could hear us . . .Miss Frost says discipline is the new order, but not if the class in room 12B has anything to do with it . . .

Meet your new assistant principal – Miss Frost!Uh-oh, that''s not good.At least we''re away on camp. Mr Bambuckle lets us eat marshmallows before dinner! Is that a spark-maker beetle?Shh! What was that noise?The class in room 12B are having fun in the wilderness. Until Miss Frost crashes camp . . .

Vex is gone! We have to find him.But how? He could be anywhere.We''ll have to track him down.That''s impossible.Not if we work together!Mr Bambuckle and the class in room 12B are in trouble. Can they find Vex before it''s too late?

A gripping new account of one of the most important and exciting periods of British and Irish history: the reign of the first two Stuart kings, from 1567 to the outbreak of civil war in 1642 - and why ultimately all three of their kingdoms were to rise in rebellion against Stuart rule.Both James VI and I and his son Charles I were reforming monarchs, who endeavoured to bolster the authority of the crown and bring the churches in their separate kingdoms into closer harmony with one another. Many of James''s initiatives proved controversial - his promotion of the plantation of Ulster, his reintroduction of bishops and ceremonies into the Scottish kirk, and his stormy relationship with his English parliaments over religion and finance - but he just about got by. Charles, despitecontinuing many of his father''s policies in church and state, soon ran into difficulties and provoked all three of his kingdoms to rise in rebellion: first Scotland in 1638, then Ireland in 1641, and finally England in 1642.Was Charles''s failure, then, a personal one; was he simply not up to the job? Or was the multiple-kingdom inheritance fundamentally unmanageable, so that it was only a matter of time before things fell apart? Did perhaps the way that James sought to address his problems have the effect of making things more difficult for his son? Tim Harris addresses all these questions and more in this wide-ranging and deeply researched new account, dealing with high politics and low, constitutional andreligious conflict, propaganda and public opinion across the three kingdoms - while also paying due attention to the broader European and Atlantic contexts.

A gripping new account of one of the most important and exciting periods of British and Irish history: the reign of the first two Stuart kings, from 1567 to the outbreak of civil war in 1642 - and why ultimately all three of their kingdoms were to rise in rebellion against Stuart rule.Both James VI and I and his son Charles I were reforming monarchs, who endeavoured to bolster the authority of the crown and bring the churches in their separate kingdoms into closer harmony with one another. Many of James''s initiatives proved controversial - his promotion of the plantation of Ulster, his reintroduction of bishops and ceremonies into the Scottish kirk, and his stormy relationship with his English parliaments over religion and finance - but he just about got by. Charles, despitecontinuing many of his father''s policies in church and state, soon ran into difficulties and provoked all three of his kingdoms to rise in rebellion: first Scotland in 1638, then Ireland in 1641, and finally England in 1642.Was Charles''s failure, then, a personal one; was he simply not up to the job? Or was the multiple-kingdom inheritance fundamentally unmanageable, so that it was only a matter of time before things fell apart? Did perhaps the way that James sought to address his problems have the effect of making things more difficult for his son? Tim Harris addresses all these questions and more in this wide-ranging and deeply researched new account, dealing with high politics and low, constitutional andreligious conflict, propaganda and public opinion across the three kingdoms - while also paying due attention to the broader European and Atlantic contexts.

A gripping new account of one of the most important and exciting periods of British and Irish history: the reign of the first two Stuart kings, from 1567 to the outbreak of civil war in 1642 - and why ultimately all three of their kingdoms were to rise in rebellion against Stuart rule. Both James VI and I and his son Charles I were reforming monarchs, who endeavoured to bolster the authority of the crown and bring the churches in their separate kingdoms into closer harmony with one another. Many of James's initiatives proved controversial - his promotion of the plantation of Ulster, his reintroduction of bishops and ceremonies into the Scottish kirk, and his stormy relationship with his English parliaments over religion and finance - but he just about got by. Charles, despite continuing many of his father's policies in church and state, soon ran into difficulties and provoked all three of his kingdoms to rise in rebellion: first Scotland in 1638, then Ireland in 1641, and finally England in 1642. Was Charles's failure, then, a personal one; was he simply not up to the job? Or was the multiple-kingdom inheritance fundamentally unmanageable, so that it was only a matter of time before things fell apart? Did perhaps the way that James sought to address his problems have the effect of making things more difficult for his son? Tim Harris addresses all these questions and more in this wide-ranging and deeply researched new account, dealing with high politics and low, constitutional and religious conflict, propaganda and public opinion across the three kingdoms - while also paying due attention to the broader European and Atlantic contexts.

The Oxford Clinical Imaging Guides are specifically designed to help doctors master imaging techniques. Each guide explains the principles and practice of using imaging in an easy-to-read, highly-illustrated, and authoritative manner. Point of Care Ultrasound for Emergency Medicine and Resuscitation is the definitive guide to using this indispensable clinical tool quickly, safely, and accurately to diagnose patients in emergency, acute, and critical care settings. With a practical focus on how to perform ultrasound and interpret images, this book demonstrates how the reader can use ultrasound safely in patient management to diagnose and manage shock, acute presentations, or the acute phases of key conditions. Extensively illustrated, this resource also comes with online access to 160 ultrasound clips and over 130 annotated ultrasound images. Written by expert educators, this book is mapped to the curriculum for the International Federation for Emergency Medicine to teach emergency and acute medics exactly what they need to know. This guide is highly relevant for the syllabi of Emergency Medicine colleges and associations in the USA, Canada, UK, Australasia and South Africa.

A gripping new account of one of the most important and exciting periods of British and Irish history: the reign of the first two Stuart kings, from 1567 to the outbreak of civil war in 1642 - and why ultimately all three of their kingdoms were to rise in rebellion against Stuart rule.Both James VI and I and his son Charles I were reforming monarchs, who endeavoured to bolster the authority of the crown and bring the churches in their separate kingdoms into closer harmony with one another. Many of James's initiatives proved controversial - his promotion of the plantation of Ulster, his reintroduction of bishops and ceremonies into the Scottish kirk, and his stormy relationship with his English parliaments over religion and finance - but he just about got by. Charles, despite continuing many of his father's policies in church and state, soon ran into difficulties and provoked all three of his kingdoms to rise in rebellion: first Scotland in 1638, then Ireland in 1641, and finally England in 1642. Was Charles's failure, then, a personal one; was he simply not up to the job? Or was the multiple-kingdom inheritance fundamentally unmanageable, so that it was only a matter of time before things fell apart? Did perhaps the way that James sought to address his problems have the effect of making things more difficult for his son? Tim Harris addresses all these questions and more in this wide-ranging and deeply researched new account, dealing with high politics and low, constitutional and religious conflict, propaganda and public opinion across the three kingdoms - while also paying due attention to the broader European and Atlantic contexts.

As scholarly interest in popular culture has grown, more and more British and American universities have been introducing courses in popular culture, now seen as an essential aspect of historical investigation. This volume answers the need for a book focusing on England (unlike Peter Burke's Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe (1978), and over a broad time period (unlike Barry Reay's Popular Culture in Seventeenth-Century England (1985)), which will fulfil it's aim of appealing both to specialists and students coming new to the subject. Tim Harris has assembled a very strong team of contributors who will ensure a very lively and interesting collection of essays.

This collection of essays seeks to shed light on the politics of those people who are normally thought of as being excluded from the political nation in early modern England. If by political nation we mean those who sat in parliament, the governors of counties and towns, and the enfranchised classes in the constituencies, then the 'excluded' would be those who were neither actively involved in the process of governing nor had any say in choosing those who would rule over them - the bulk of the population at this time. Yet this volume shows that these people were not, in fact, excluded from politics. Not only did the masses possess political opinions which they were capable of articulating in a public forum, but they were alos often active participants in the political process themselves and taken seriously in that capacity by the governmental elite.The various essays deal with topics as wide-ranging as riots, rumours, libels, seditious words, public opinion, the structures of local government, and the gendered dimensions of popular political participation, and cover the period from the eve of the Reformation to the Industrial Revolution. They challenge many existing assumptions concerning the nature and significance of public opinion and politics out-of-doors in the early modern period and show us that the people mattered in politics, and thus why we, as historians, cannot afford to ignore them. Politics was more participatory, in this undemocratic age, than one might have thought. The contributors to this volume show that there was a lively and engaged public sphere throughout this period, from Tudor times to the Georgian era.

This study of the political attitudes of ordinary Londoners during the reign of Charles II examines not only the manifestations of public opinion - for example, riot and demonstration - but also the manner of its formation - religious experience, economic activity, and exposure to mass political propaganda. Professor Harris shows to be misleading the conventional view, that the whigs enjoyed the support of the London masses, and the tories were essentially anti-populist. Both sides had public support during the exclusion crisis, and this division stemmed from fundamental religious tensions within London political culture, dating back to 1660 and before. Attractively illustrated with polemical contemporary engravings, London Crowds demonstrates clearly the value of bringing together both high and low activity into a truly integrated social history of politics, and sheds important new light not just on urban agitation but on the nature of late-Stuart party conflict.

The first major study of party conflict in England over the later Stuart period from the reign of Charles II to its culmination under Anne. Tim Harris shows how the party configuration of subsequent British politics emerged in these crucial years. He deals not only with high politics and with the organisation of the new parties, but also with the ideological roots of party strife.

The first major study of party conflict in England over the later Stuart period from the reign of Charles II to its culmination under Anne. Tim Harris shows how the party configuration of subsequent British politics emerged in these crucial years. He deals not only with high politics and with the organisation of the new parties, but also with the ideological roots of party strife.

The first major study of party conflict in England over the later Stuart period from the reign of Charles II to its culmination under Anne. Tim Harris shows how the party configuration of subsequent British politics emerged in these crucial years. He deals not only with high politics and with the organisation of the new parties, but also with the ideological roots of party strife.

The first major study of party conflict in England over the later Stuart period from the reign of Charles II to its culmination under Anne. Tim Harris shows how the party configuration of subsequent British politics emerged in these crucial years. He deals not only with high politics and with the organisation of the new parties, but also with the ideological roots of party strife.

As scholarly interest in popular culture has grown, more and more British and American universities have been introducing courses in popular culture, now seen as an essential aspect of historical investigation. This volume answers the need for a book focusing on England (unlike Peter Burke''s Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe (1978), and over a broad time period (unlike Barry Reay''s Popular Culture in Seventeenth-Century England (1985)), which will fulfil it''s aim of appealing both to specialists and students coming new to the subject. Tim Harris has assembled a very strong team of contributors who will ensure a very lively and interesting collection of essays.

This collection of essays seeks to shed light on the politics of those people who are normally thought of as being excluded from the political nation in early modern England. If by political nation we mean those who sat in parliament, the governors of counties and towns, and the enfranchised classes in the constituencies, then the ''excluded'' would be those who were neither actively involved in the process of governing nor had any say in choosing those who would rule over them - the bulk of the population at this time. Yet this volume shows that these people were not, in fact, excluded from politics. Not only did the masses possess political opinions which they were capable of articulating in a public forum, but they were alos often active participants in the political process themselves and taken seriously in that capacity by the governmental elite.The various essays deal with topics as wide-ranging as riots, rumours, libels, seditious words, public opinion, the structures of local government, and the gendered dimensions of popular political participation, and cover the period from the eve of the Reformation to the Industrial Revolution. They challenge many existing assumptions concerning the nature and significance of public opinion and politics out-of-doors in the early modern period and show us that the people mattered in politics, and thus why we, as historians, cannot afford to ignore them. Politics was more participatory, in this undemocratic age, than one might have thought. The contributors to this volume show that there was a lively and engaged public sphere throughout this period, from Tudor times to the Georgian era.