Vivien A. Schmidt – författare

This volume examines the interrelationship between democratic legitimacy at the European level and the ongoing Eurozone crisis that began in 2010.Europe's crisis of legitimacy stems from 'governing by rules and ruling by numbers' in the sovereign debt crisis, which played havoc with the eurozone economy while fueling political discontent. Using the lens of democratic theory, the book assesses the legitimacy of EU governing activities first in terms of their procedural quality ('throughput),' by charting EU actors' different pathways to legitimacy, and then evaluates their policy effectiveness ('output') and political responsiveness ('input'). In addition to an engaging and distinctive analysis of Eurozone crisis governance and its impact on democratic legitimacy, the book offers a number of theoretical insights into the broader question of the functioning of the EU and supranational governance more generally. It concludes with proposals for how to remedy the EU's problems of legitimacy, reinvigorate its national democracies, and rethink its future.

This volume examines the interrelationship between democratic legitimacy at the European level and the ongoing Eurozone crisis that began in 2010.Europe's crisis of legitimacy stems from 'governing by rules and ruling by numbers' in the sovereign debt crisis, which played havoc with the eurozone economy while fueling political discontent. Using the lens of democratic theory, the book assesses the legitimacy of EU governing activities first in terms of their procedural quality ('throughput),' by charting EU actors' different pathways to legitimacy, and then evaluates their policy effectiveness ('output') and political responsiveness ('input'). In addition to an engaging and distinctive analysis of Eurozone crisis governance and its impact on democratic legitimacy, the book offers a number of theoretical insights into the broader question of the functioning of the EU and supranational governance more generally. It concludes with proposals for how to remedy the EU's problems of legitimacy, reinvigorate its national democracies, and rethink its future.

In this ground-breaking, two-volume study of the adjustment of advanced welfare states to international economic pressures, leading scholars detail the wide variety of responses in twelve countries. Rejecting any notion of convergence to some kind of neo-liberal orthodoxy, they find that most countries have remained true to the basic features their postwar model as they have liberalized. Moreover, within differenct welfare-state constellations, while some countries are still struggling to adjust, others have reached a new sustainable equilibrium. Volume I presents comparative analyses of differences in countries' vulnerabilities and capabilities, the effectiveness of their policy responses, and the role of values and discourse in the politics of adjustment. Volume II presents in-depth analyses of the experiences of Australia, Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom as well as special studies on the participation of women in the labor market, early retirement, the liberalization of public services, and international tax competition.

In this ground-breaking, two-volume study of the adjustment of advanced welfare states to international economic pressures, leading scholars detail the wide variety of responses in twelve countries. Rejecting any notion of convergence to some kind of neo-liberal orthodoxy, they find that most countries have remained true to the basic features of their postwar model as they have liberalized. Moreover, within different welfare-state constellations, while some countries are still struggling to adjust, others have reached a new sustainable equilibrium. Volume I presents comparative analyses of differences in countries' vulnerabilities and capabilities, the effectiveness of their policy responses, and the role of values and discourse in the politics of adjustment. Volume II presents in-depth analyses of the experiences of Australia, Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom as well as special studies in the participation of women in the labour market, early retirement, the liberalization of public services, and international tax competition.

In this ground-breaking, two-volume study of the adjustment of advanced welfare states to international economic pressures, leading scholars detail the wide variety of responses in twelve countries. Rejecting any notion of convergence to some kind of neo-liberal orthodoxy, they find that most countries have remained true to the basic features of their postwar model as they have liberalized. Moreover, within different welfare- state constellations, while some countries are still struggling to adjust, others have reached a new sustainable equilibrium. Volume I presents comparative analyses of differences in countries' vulnerabilities and capabilities, the effectiveness of the policy responses, and the role of values and discourse in the politics of adjustment. Volume II presents in-depth analyses of the experiences of Australia, Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom as well as special studies on the the participation of women in the labour market, early retirement, the liberalization of public services, and international tax competition.

In this ground-breaking, two-volume study of the adjustment of advanced welfare states to international economic pressures, leading scholars detail the wide variety of responses in twelve countries. Rejecting any notion of convergence to some kind of neo-liberal orthodoxy, they find that most countries have remained true to the basic features of their postwar model as they have liberalized. Moreover, within different welfare-state constellations, while some countries are still struggling to adjust, others have reached a new sustainable equilibrium. Volume I presents comparative analyses of the differences in countries' vulnerabilities and capabilities, the effectiveness of their policy responses, and the role of values and discourse in the politics of adjustment. Volume II presents in-depth analyses of the experiences of Australia, Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom as well as special studies on the participation of women in the labour market, early retirement, the liberalization of public services, and international tax competition.

In this path-breaking book, the author argues that European countries' political-economic policies, practices, and discourses have changed profoundly in response to globalization and Europeanization, but they have not converged. Although national policies may now be more similar, especially where they follow from common European policies, they are not the same. National practices, although moving in the same general direction toward greater market orientation, continue to be differentiable into not just one or even two but three varieties of capitalism. And national discourses that generate and legitimate changes in policies and practices not only remain distinct, they matter. The book is a tour de force which combines sophisticated theoretical insights and innovative methods to show that European countries generally, but in particular Britain, France, and Germany (for which the book provides lengthy case studies), have had very different experiences of economic adjustment, and will continue to do so into the future.

Democracy in Europe is about the impact of European integration on national democracies. It argues that the oft-cited democratic deficit is indeed a problem, but not so much at the level of the European Union per se as at the national level. This is because national leaders and publics have yet to come to terms with the institutional impact of the EU on the traditional workings of their national democracies. The book begins with a discussion of what the EU is-a new form of 'regional state' in which sovereignty is shared, boundaries are variable, identity composite, and democracy fragmented. It then goes on to examine the effects of this on EU member-states' institutions and ideas about democracy, finding that institutional 'fit' matters. The 'compound' EU, in which governing activity is highly dispersed among multiple authorities, is more disruptive to 'simple' polities like Britain and France, where governing activity has traditionally been more concentrated in a single authority, than to similarly 'compound' polities like Germany and Italy. But the book concludes that the real problem for member-states is not so much that their practices have changed as that national ideas and discourse about democracy have not. The failure has been one of the 'communicative' discourse to the general public-which again has been more pronounced for simple polities, despite their potentially greater capacity to communicate through a single voice, than for compound polities, where the 'coordinative' discourse among policy actors predominates.

Democracy in Europe is about the impact of European integration on national democracies. It argues that the oft-cited democratic deficit is indeed a problem, but not so much at the level of the European Union per se as at the national level. This is because national leaders and publics have yet to come to terms with the institutional impact of the EU on the traditional workings of their national democracies. The book begins with a discussion of what the EU is-a new form of 'regional state' in which sovereignty is shared, boundaries are variable, identity composite, and democracy fragmented. It then goes on to examine the effects of this on EU member-states' institutions and ideas about democracy, finding that institutional 'fit' matters. The 'compound' EU, in which governing activity is highly dispersed among multiple authorities, is more disruptive to 'simple' polities like Britain and France, where governing activity has traditionally been more concentrated in a single authority, than to similarly 'compound' polities like Germany and Italy. But the book concludes that the real problem for member-states is not so much that their practices have changed as that national ideas and discourse about democracy have not. The failure has been one of the 'communicative' discourse to the general public-which again has been more pronounced for simple polities, despite their potentially greater capacity to communicate through a single voice, than for compound polities, where the 'coordinative' discourse among policy actors predominates.

Ideas and discourse are essential to politics as well as to political analysis. In The Power of Ideas and Discourse in Political Analysis, Vivien A. Schmidt provides a sweeping appraisal of the many ways in which scholars explain how ideas and discourse are used both by policymakers and by everyday citizens to understand the world, to influence others, and to mobilize for collective action. In so doing, she also presents the many facets of her highly original approach to the power of ideas and discourse, developed over the past quarter century under the mantle of discursive institutionalism.The book covers the great variety of approaches to ideas and discourse across subfields in political science and beyond. It explores the forms they take, the arguments they make, the discursive processes they accommodate, and the discursive interactions in which agents engage in differing institutional contexts. It delves into the dynamics of change and defines ideational and discursive power. Schmidt identifies the empirical methods, both qualitative and quantitative, and investigates the history and philosophical underpinnings of such approaches. She illustrates these using examples concerning capitalism and democracy, international diplomacy and human rights, conservativism, socialism and populism.Schmidt's masterful book not only serves to constitute the very large 'field' of ideational and discursive approaches falling under the umbrella of discursive institutionalism. As in the subtitle, it also outlines her distinctive Discursive Institutionalist Perspective, highlighting her philosophical premises and methodological preferences while delineating the boundaries with competing approaches, including rationalist, historical, and sociological institutionalism. Schmidt's ultimate goal is to promote a methodological pluralism that recognizes that because political reality is complex, it requires a diversity of perspectives, with agents' contextualized ideas and discursive interactions at its core.

Ideas and discourse are essential to politics as well as to political analysis. In The Power of Ideas and Discourse in Political Analysis, Vivien A. Schmidt provides a sweeping appraisal of the many ways in which scholars explain how ideas and discourse are used both by policymakers and by everyday citizens to understand the world, to influence others, and to mobilize for collective action. In so doing, she also presents the many facets of her highly original approach to the power of ideas and discourse, developed over the past quarter century under the mantle of discursive institutionalism.The book covers the great variety of approaches to ideas and discourse across subfields in political science and beyond. It explores the forms they take, the arguments they make, the discursive processes they accommodate, and the discursive interactions in which agents engage in differing institutional contexts. It delves into the dynamics of change and defines ideational and discursive power. Schmidt identifies the empirical methods, both qualitative and quantitative, and investigates the history and philosophical underpinnings of such approaches. She illustrates these using examples concerning capitalism and democracy, international diplomacy and human rights, conservativism, socialism and populism.Schmidt's masterful book not only serves to constitute the very large 'field' of ideational and discursive approaches falling under the umbrella of discursive institutionalism. As in the subtitle, it also outlines her distinctive Discursive Institutionalist Perspective, highlighting her philosophical premises and methodological preferences while delineating the boundaries with competing approaches, including rationalist, historical, and sociological institutionalism. Schmidt's ultimate goal is to promote a methodological pluralism that recognizes that because political reality is complex, it requires a diversity of perspectives, with agents' contextualized ideas and discursive interactions at its core.

The focus of this 1991 book is on the decentralization reforms legislated by the Socialist government in France from 1982 to 1986. These reforms redefined the role of the central state in the periphery and gave extensive new powers to territorial governments. Vivien Schmidt examines these reforms and their impact in comparative historical perspective. Tracing the history of decentralization from the French Revolution to the present, the book highlights the significant reforms at the beginning of the Third Republic in the 1870s. It then analyses the actual impact of the reforms of both the 1870s and the 1980s on local government institutions and processes. Professor Schmidt uses an innovative mix of methods borrowed from political sociology and cultural anthropology, combined with historical analysis and extensive interviews with national and local politicians and civil servants. She provides important theoretical insights into the changing nature of the French state in addition to revealing significant historical patterns.

The focus of this 1991 book is on the decentralization reforms legislated by the Socialist government in France from 1982 to 1986. These reforms redefined the role of the central state in the periphery and gave extensive new powers to territorial governments. Vivien Schmidt examines these reforms and their impact in comparative historical perspective. Tracing the history of decentralization from the French Revolution to the present, the book highlights the significant reforms at the beginning of the Third Republic in the 1870s. It then analyses the actual impact of the reforms of both the 1870s and the 1980s on local government institutions and processes. Professor Schmidt uses an innovative mix of methods borrowed from political sociology and cultural anthropology, combined with historical analysis and extensive interviews with national and local politicians and civil servants. She provides important theoretical insights into the changing nature of the French state in addition to revealing significant historical patterns.

The Mitterrand years saw the transformation of business and its relationship to government. From State to Market, first published in 1996, details the governmental policies toward business that went from nationalization to privatization, deregulation, and ever-increasing European integration, bringing with them the move from a dirigiste, or state-directed, economy to a more market-oriented one. Professor Schmidt profiles the players, the interpenetrating elite of top business and government officials who share common state educational history and career track and who, as the beneficiaries of the all-pervasive culture of the state, have managed not only to maintain their hold in the ministries but also to colonize industry. This book, which spans the fields of public policy and political economy, contains both empirical information - the results of over forty interviews with top business and government officials - and a theoretical framework that sets French state-society relations in comparative perspective.

The Mitterrand years saw the transformation of business and its relationship to government. From State to Market, first published in 1996, details the governmental policies toward business that went from nationalization to privatization, deregulation, and ever-increasing European integration, bringing with them the move from a dirigiste, or state-directed, economy to a more market-oriented one. Professor Schmidt profiles the players, the interpenetrating elite of top business and government officials who share common state educational history and career track and who, as the beneficiaries of the all-pervasive culture of the state, have managed not only to maintain their hold in the ministries but also to colonize industry. This book, which spans the fields of public policy and political economy, contains both empirical information - the results of over forty interviews with top business and government officials - and a theoretical framework that sets French state-society relations in comparative perspective.

Why have neo-liberal economic ideas been so resilient since the 1980s, despite major intellectual challenges, crippling financial and political crises, and failure to deliver on their promises? Why do they repeatedly return, not only to survive but to thrive? This groundbreaking book proposes five lines of analysis to explain the dynamics of both continuity and change in neo-liberal ideas: the flexibility of neo-liberalism's core principles; the gaps between neo-liberal rhetoric and reality; the strength of neo-liberal discourse in debates; the power of interests in the strategic use of ideas; and the force of institutions in the embedding of neo-liberal ideas. The book's highly distinguished group of authors shows how these possible explanations apply across the most important domains - fiscal policy, the role of the state, welfare and labour markets, regulation of competition and financial markets, management of the Euro, and corporate governance - in the European Union and across European countries.

Why have neo-liberal economic ideas been so resilient since the 1980s, despite major intellectual challenges, crippling financial and political crises, and failure to deliver on their promises? Why do they repeatedly return, not only to survive but to thrive? This groundbreaking book proposes five lines of analysis to explain the dynamics of both continuity and change in neo-liberal ideas: the flexibility of neo-liberalism's core principles; the gaps between neo-liberal rhetoric and reality; the strength of neo-liberal discourse in debates; the power of interests in the strategic use of ideas; and the force of institutions in the embedding of neo-liberal ideas. The book's highly distinguished group of authors shows how these possible explanations apply across the most important domains - fiscal policy, the role of the state, welfare and labour markets, regulation of competition and financial markets, management of the Euro, and corporate governance - in the European Union and across European countries.

The European Union of today cannot be studied as it once was. This original new textbook provides a much-needed update on how the EU's policies and institutions have changed in light of the multiple crises and transformations since 2010. An international team of leading scholars offer systematic accounts on the EU's institutional regime, policies, and its community of people and states. Each chapter is structured to explain the relevant historical developments and institutional framework, presenting the key actors, the current controversies and discussing a paradigmatic case study. Each chapter also provides ideas for group discussions and individual research topics. Moving away from the typical, neutral account of the functioning of the EU, this textbook will stimulate readers' critical thinking towards the EU as it is today. It will serve as a core text for undergraduate and graduate students of politics and European studies taking courses on the politics of the EU, and those taking courses in comparative politics and international organizations including the EU.