William B. Allen – författare

Generally critics and interpreters of Uncle Tom have constructed a one-way view of Uncle Tom, albeit offering a few kind words for Uncle Tom along the way. Recovering Uncle Tom requires re-telling his story. This book delivers on that mission, while accomplishing something no other work on Harriet Beecher Stowe has fully attempted: an in-depth statement of her political thought. Heroeuvre, in partnership with that of her husband Calvin, constitutes a demonstration of the permanent necessity of moral and prudential judgment in human affairs. Moreover, it identifies the political conditions that can best guarantee conditions of decency. Her two disciplines–philosophy and poetry–illuminate the founding principles of the American republic and remedy defects in their realization that were evident in mid-nineteenth century. While slavery is not the only defect, its persistence and expansion indicate the overall shortcomings. In four of her chief works (Uncle Tom's Cabin,Sunny Memories of Foreign Lands,Dred, andOldtown Folks), Stowe teaches not only how to eliminate the defect of slavery, but also how to realize and maintain a regime founded on the basis of natural rights and Christianity. Further, she identifies the proper vehicle for educating citizens so they might reliably be ruled by decent public opinion.Book one, part one of Rethinking Uncle Tom explains Uncle Tom's Cabin within the context of the Stowes' joint project, an articulation of the conditions of democratic life and the appropriate nature of modern humanism. Book two, parts one and two, analyses how key elements of Calvin's thinking were conveyed by Stowe's works, while distinguishing her thought from his, and examines the importance of her "political geography" and the breadth of her thinking on cultural, moral, and political matters. Parts three and four investigate the most mature elements of Stowe's political thought, providing a close reading of Sunny Memories–revealing the full political pu

Generally critics and interpreters of Uncle Tom have constructed a one-way view of Uncle Tom, albeit offering a few kind words for Uncle Tom along the way. Recovering Uncle Tom requires re-telling his story. This book delivers on that mission, while accomplishing something no other work on Harriet Beecher Stowe has fully attempted: an in-depth statement of her political thought. Heroeuvre, in partnership with that of her husband Calvin, constitutes a demonstration of the permanent necessity of moral and prudential judgment in human affairs. Moreover, it identifies the political conditions that can best guarantee conditions of decency. Her two disciplines–philosophy and poetry–illuminate the founding principles of the American republic and remedy defects in their realization that were evident in mid-nineteenth century. While slavery is not the only defect, its persistence and expansion indicate the overall shortcomings. In four of her chief works (Uncle Tom's Cabin,Sunny Memories of Foreign Lands,Dred, andOldtown Folks), Stowe teaches not only how to eliminate the defect of slavery, but also how to realize and maintain a regime founded on the basis of natural rights and Christianity. Further, she identifies the proper vehicle for educating citizens so they might reliably be ruled by decent public opinion.Book one, part one of Rethinking Uncle Tom explains Uncle Tom's Cabin within the context of the Stowes' joint project, an articulation of the conditions of democratic life and the appropriate nature of modern humanism. Book two, parts one and two, analyses how key elements of Calvin's thinking were conveyed by Stowe's works, while distinguishing her thought from his, and examines the importance of her "political geography" and the breadth of her thinking on cultural, moral, and political matters. Parts three and four investigate the most mature elements of Stowe's political thought, providing a close reading of Sunny Memories–revealing the full political pu

At the pivotal moment in the history of the United States of America, ratification of the Constitution was championed by James Madison, John Jay and Alexander Hamilton in a series of newspaper articles known as the Federalist Papers. In answer to these arguments and as a way of pointing up flaws and weaknesses in the Constitution itself, a number of political thinkers (who mostly used pseudonyms) argued against ratification through articles and speeches which have collectively come to be known as the 'Antifederalist Papers.' This edited collection of readings from Antifederalist thought was first published in 1985. Here presented with a completely revised and updated interpretive essay from the editors and expanded to cover the period of the founding from 1776-91, this book is the most complete one-volume collection of its kind.

George Washington defined progressivism and provided the rationale for its constitutional basis in a vision of self-government: a nation dedicated to and capable of sustaining civil and religious liberty, the intertwined ends of politics as he saw it. For Washington, religious liberty was not a side benefit of independence but rather the objective for which independence was sought. Washington’s political philosophy – radical for his time – was a commitment to the belief that law can never make just what is in its nature unjust. Before the close of the Revolutionary War, he had conceived of a union based on the progressive principle that the American people would qualify for self-government in the sense of free institutions in proportion to their moral capacity to govern themselves by the light of reason. Washington managed the conflicts over the spoils of victory that threatened to fracture the union. Containing this discord «within the walls of the Constitution» may be considered his single greatest achievement.This overview traces Washington’s political development through the war years, describes his contributions to the Constitution and the founding of America, debunks misrepresentations of Washington’s relationship to slavery, and touches his presidential administration, including his precedent-setting decision to retire from the presidency after two terms. This book will be useful in courses on the American founding era, American studies, political philosophy and leadership, as well as of interest and value to the general reader.

This work is not endorsed by or connected with the National Urban League.An incisive collection of essays that reveals the past, present, and future strength of black America as the best hope for a nation that has lost faith in itself."A much-needed antidote to the madness-inducing contradiction of woke orthodoxy." —The Honorable Judge Janice Rogers BrownIn a nation that is tearing itself apart over race, trying to speak honestly about the state of black America is a perilous task. Candor and thoughtfulness are often drowned by hysteria, expediency, and sentimentalism. The State of Black America seeks to restore these sorely needed virtues to the present discourse, assembling a company of scholars who confront our nation’s troubled racial history even as they bear witness to the promise the American heritage contains for blacks.The essays in this volume bring clarity to the murky darkness of America’s race debates, reviewing and building upon the latest scholarship on the character, shape, and tendencies of life for black Americans. Together, they tell a story of black America’s astounding success in integrating into mainstream American culture and propose that black patriotism is the key to overcoming what problems remain.Featuring scholarship from a variety of disciplines, including history, economics, social science, and political philosophy, The State of Black America offers to the world a “toolbox” of intellectual resources to aid careful and sound thinking on one of the most fraught issues of our time.Featuring contributions from W. B. Allen, Mikael Rose Good, Edward J. Erler, Robert D. Bland, Glenn C. Loury, Ian V. Rowe, Precious D. Hall, Daphne Cooper, Star Parker, and Robert Borens.

Building upon the thesis that James Madison's political philosophy can be articulated without excuses made for his "separation" from Alexander Hamilton or his "dependence" on Thomas Jefferson, this book structures an account of Madison's response to conditions of democratic opinion in a large nation-state. Allen defends Madison's claim that his consistent approach can alone sustain the union of heterogeneous elements within the United States. At the heart of the argument is an analysis of the Federalist Papers that reveals concerns in the 1790s and proceeds to tie them directly with his efforts as defacto "leader in parliament" in the first Congress. Allen's response to the claim that Madison took the "public good" out of politics reveals revolutionary statesmanship and an elevated conception of the political good beyond theoretical speculation.