African Governance, Development, and Leadership – serie

This book is a broad-ranging argument for thorough reforms at home and abroad in Nigeria as the only antidote to the nation-building dilemmas Nigeria confronts in the first quarter of the twenty-first century. Because of its enormous material and human endowments, Nigeria is dubbed the “Giant of Africa.” It is a moniker many of its leaders take seriously. Yet, Nigeria is a state rife with instability, some of it periodically erupting into violence. Given still-ongoing national security challenges in the land that notoriously includes a bloody religion-oriented terrorism, the Fourth Republic since 1999, the longest period of continuous democratic rule since independence—key to the timeline of this book—has not been insulated from the spell of instability. The main argument of this work is that internationally agreed-upon ethical standards embedded in human rights can save Nigeria. This book is a methodologically and theoretically-grounded, seminal discourse on Nigerian foreign relations that spells out the human rights or lack thereof in those relations, including underlying and impinging domestic forces. This work is set around six issues of application embedded in a temple of Nigeria’s human rights foreign policy, comprising two steps and four pillars: reconstructed national interest, increased human rights at home, redesigned peacekeeping, reshaped foreign policy machinery, increased bilateralism in foreign relations, and the use of ECOWAS as human rights tool. Although focused on the period since independence, for proper understanding of events from the past that shape the current patterns of politics in the land, this book also embodies a historical background chapter that overviews the pre-colonial and colonial eras.

For about one hundred years, Pan-Africanism—as a social, cultural, economic, political, and philosophical idea—thrived. Towards the tail-end of the twentieth century, however, it waned. But in more recent times, there has been noticeable resurgence. And as we approach the second decade of the twenty-first century, there are indications of significant transformations vis-à-vis the role and place of Pan-Africanism and Pan-Africanists. Consequently, this book offers a new, further, and better understanding of Pan-Africanism—not just from the traditional, African, and African American points of view, but also from a global perspective. It does so by offering an analysis of its early years in terms of the personalities, ideas, and conferences that shaped it; it also examines many of the factors that brought about its decline—and its eventual rebirth.Contributing to this seminal work are scholars of different but complementary styles and intellect, who deviate from the more traditional or obvious approaches. For instance, one of the chapters explores Pan-Africanism from the geographic perspective, while another examines the role and place of women in the Pan-African movement. There are also voices that advance the conversation from the regional and continental viewpoint—hence chapters that investigate the status of Pan-Africanism in Latin America, in the Caribbean, and Islam and Pan-Africanism in the modern world. Ethnonationalism and xenophobia are also part of the treatise because, increasingly, these injurious phenomena are reemerging in Africa’s landscape and consciousness. In an increasingly interdependent and interrelated world, this book also suggests that Pan-Africanism will undergo a metamorphosis: problems and challenges will be seen and tackled from the globalization and global common perspective. Pan-Africanism in Modern Times goes beyond the historicity of Pan-Africanism and examines the challenges, concerns, and constraints it faces; and also examines it from an inclusive perspective to have a broader understanding of this phenomenon and its future trajectory.

The problems and challenges of the Niger Delta predate Nigeria as a Republic. The resultant violence can be traced to 1966, when the late Isaac Boro and his colleagues attempted to secede from Nigeria due, in large part, to the underdevelopment of the region. Historical reality aside, since 1970 oil has displaced agriculture as Nigeria’s primary revenue earner and it has, for the last four decades, been the nation’s breadbasket. But in spite of this, the Niger Delta remains vastly underdeveloped and has been given the least federal presence. These deficiencies led to high unemployment, social dislocations, youth restiveness, and extralegalities. It was these realities that bred disaffection with the government and the multinational oil companies and eventually, to violent militancy. Between 2003 and 2009, it also led to low intensity conflict between militant youths and the Nigerian government. In the summer of 2009, however, the Nigerian government extended an offer of presidential pardon (amnesty) to the militants. The amnesty program was intended to bring peace and quiet to the region. However, this has not been the case. In spite of the financial and political resources that have been expended, the region continues on the path of volatility. This book looks at the issue of nationhood, the cause and cost of the crisis, past approaches and current efforts at solving the crisis. In addition, it offers a tenable solution to the decades-old crisis. Furthermore, the case is made that unless there is a fundamental restructuring of the Nigerian state and its governing structure and institutions, the problems of the region—and the larger problems that makes the country such a difficult to place to live in and govern, is likely to continue.

The U.S. Department of Defense is fighting a new shadow war in Africa. Africa is the battlefield of tomorrow, and the United States military is spreading secret wars in the continent. This book explores how and why this has happened. Since the beginning of the twentieth century, the formulation of the United States policy towards Africa has always been based on the strategic importance of the natural resources of Africa and how these can be used in the national interests of the United States. However, most Americans gave very little thought to Africa, but instead referred to it as the Dark Continent, not only because its peoples are dark-skinned, but also because it was unknown to them. Africa is no longer dark, but is rather becoming one of the lions on the move. This book examines and analyzes Nigeria and U.S. policy on the continent since the Cold War. It looks at Nigeria and the challenges facing the country, including problems of development, good governance, and security. It particularly focuses on the impacts of terrorism on Nigeria and U. S.-Africa relations since the Cold War and the realities of September 11, 2001, in relations to Nigeria and United States-Islamists/jihadists' terrorism in Africa.There is huge potential in Nigeria; the country has the largest population in Africa, and is well-endowed in terms of both natural and human resources. Nigeria also has the largest economy on the continent, the largest black population in the world, a burgeoning and vibrant youthful population, and a tradition of international engagement since its independence. Its advantageous geographical location in West Africa enables trade within the continent, as well as with Europe, North and South America, and Asia. Nigeria is the most important strategic partner for the United States in the African continent, and will become increasingly so in this century.

Trade Unions and the Age of Information and Communication Technologies in Kenya provides a comprehensive description of the use of ICTs within the trade union movement in Kenya. In this book, Professor Eric Otenyo explores the intersection between new technologies and union as key stakeholders in national governance and development. The dearth of research on how trade unions can play a part in the new economy continues to undermine the effective use of ICTs in development. This book brings to light the challenges that unions face while navigating the new economy and netstate characterized by a proliferation of ICTs and globalization.

Since their early beginning in Africa as foragers, hunters and gatherers, humans have been on the move. In modern times, their movements have been compelled by geographical, economic, political, cultural, social and personal reasons. However, beginning in the second-half of the twentieth century and into the twenty-first century their reasons for and pattern of migration have been largely influenced by globalization. Globalization, by its very nature, cuts across virtually every aspect of the human life and human society. And especially in the United States, African immigrants are subject to the undercurrents of globalization – particularly in the areas of culture, religion, interpersonal relationships, and the assimilation and acculturation process. Relying on the vast theoretical and practical experience of academics and public intellectuals across three continents, this book succinctly interrogates some of the pull/push factors of migration, the challenges of globalizing forces, and the daily reality of relocation. The everyday reality and experiences of blacks in the diaspora (Latin America, Caribbean, and Europe) are also part of the discourse and the subject matters are approached from different perspectives and paradigms. Africans and the Exiled Life, therefore, is a compelling and rich addition to the ongoing global debate and understanding of migration and exile.

This book interrogates contemporary debates, controversies, achievements, challenges, and future prospects of African development and democratization from varied theoretical perspectives. The diverse issues and sub-themes addressed in this volume include tenets of democracy such as democratization, democratic institutions, good governance, term limits, minority rights, and women’s political participation; and dynamics of development such as economic growth, liberalization, development strategies and models, Millennium Development Goals, uneven regional development,sustainable development challenges, transport development and management, and health and development. Featuring established and emerging scholars, this book is a vital resource for scholars, policy makers, and students interested in African politics and development.

This book challenges the long-held conventional wisdom that Africa is a post-colonial society of sovereign nation-states despite the outward attributes of statehood: demarcated territories, permanent populations, governments, national currencies, police, and armed forces. While it is true that African nation-states have been gifted flag independence by their respective colonial masters, few have reached fully developed status as a secure nation-state. Most African nation-states have, since independence, been grappling with the crisis of state-building, nation-building, governance, and myriad security challenges which have been chronically exacerbated by the dynamics of the post-Cold War era. To focus merely on the agency of the African political elite and their inability to sustain functional modern nation-states misses the point. The central argument of the book is that an understanding of Africa’s contemporary governance and security challenges requires us to historicize the discourse surrounding nation-building and state-building throughout Africa.

This book challenges the long-held conventional wisdom that Africa is a post-colonial society of sovereign nation-states despite the outward attributes of statehood: demarcated territories, permanent populations, governments, national currencies, police, and armed forces. While it is true that African nation-states have been gifted flag independence by their respective colonial masters, few have reached fully developed status as a secure nation-state. Most African nation-states have, since independence, been grappling with the crisis of state-building, nation-building, governance, and myriad security challenges which have been chronically exacerbated by the dynamics of the post-Cold War era. To focus merely on the agency of the African political elite and their inability to sustain functional modern nation-states misses the point. The central argument of the book is that an understanding of Africa’s contemporary governance and security challenges requires us to historicize the discourse surrounding nation-building and state-building throughout Africa.

This book examines relations between Nigeria and the United States, analyzing the levels of collaboration and interaction between the two countries since Nigerian independence in 1960. The central objective of the volume is to understand how American policy-makers have thought about and acted toward Nigeria from the time she achieved statehood in 1960 until the end of Obama Administration. There is huge potential in Nigeria; the country has the largest population in Africa and is well-endowed in terms of both human and natural resources. Additionally, it has the largest economy and biggest market on the continent, the largest concentration of Black population in the world, a burgeoning and vibrant youthful population, and a tradition of international engagement since its independence. With a population of over 170 million, and as America’s largest trading partner in Africa, Nigeria is a key power in Africa, and a major player in world affairs. Nigeria’s position in the twenty-first century offers the possibility for a positive new chapter in Nigeria-United States relations.

Kwame Nkrumah’s Political Kingdom and Pan-Africanism ReInterpreted, 1909-1972 provides an in-depth study of the life of the late Pan-African leader from the former Gold Coast, Kwame Nkrumah. Authors A.B. Assensoh and Yvette M. Alex-Assensoh analyze Nkrumah’s life from his birth on the Gold Coast through his studies in the United Kingdom and the United States, his activism and political life, and his exile and death. Throughout, Assensoh and Alex-Assensoh present a twenty-first-century reinterpretation of Nkrumah’s Pan-Africanist views in the context of Black unity as well as Black liberation within the African continent and the United States and Caribbean diaspora.

Kwame Nkrumah’s Political Kingdom and Pan-Africanism ReInterpreted, 1909-1972 provides an in-depth study of the life of the late Pan-African leader from the former Gold Coast, Kwame Nkrumah. Authors A.B. Assensoh and Yvette M. Alex-Assensoh analyze Nkrumah’s life from his birth on the Gold Coast through his studies in the United Kingdom and the United States, his activism and political life, and his exile and death. Throughout, Assensoh and Alex-Assensoh present a twenty-first-century reinterpretation of Nkrumah’s Pan-Africanist views in the context of Black unity as well as Black liberation within the African continent and the United States and Caribbean diaspora.

In Political Party Financing and Electoral Politics in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, Babayo Sule provides a detailed analysis of the process of political party financing in Nigeria from 1999 to the present. Sule links the party financing process with the electoral process and explores issues of democratic accountability, transparency, and corruption in Nigeria under democratic rule. Issues of excessive spending, violation of legal procedures for party financing and monitoring of parties’ activities, particularly, finances are explored. The book presents an analytical discourse on elections and processes that influence an election in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic in which party financing and money politics are instrumental. This book observes how political corruption gains root in the process of party financing and builds a theory linking party financing, electoral politics, and democratic accountability. This book provides practical policy implications for strengthening Nigeria’s electoral process and transparency in its democracy.

Contemporary Security Governance in Nigeria: Themes and Perspectives examines the theory, practice, and challenges of contemporary security governance in Nigeria and argues for the prioritization of security governance in state affairs. Al Chukwuma Okoli, Folahanmi Aina, and the contributors address the role of security in state steering, the role of the state in security, the conceptual and theoretical frames underpinning contemporary discourse on security governance, and the current position of security governance and national security architecture in Nigeria. The book begins with an examination of security governance theory, context, and dimensions; followed by presenting strategies of security governance such as intelligence oversight; and ends with analysis of state, foreign, and non-state actors' roles in security governance. It covers important issues such as state legitimacy, public emergencies, intelligence oversight, civilian-led community policing, and Operation Safe Corridor. This book provides an important contribution for scholars in governance and security, and all stakeholders in governmental and non-governmental organizations that promote national security.

Teresa Nogueira Pinto analyzes how Robert Mugabe and Paul Kagame developed narratives to legitimize and entrench their power in Rwanda and Zimbabwe.From South America to Eastern Europe, semi-authoritarian leaders often deploy strategies of power legitimation rooted in historical legacies, political institutions, legal and constitutional frameworks, economic conditions, and shifting regional and international dynamics. This framework is particularly pertinent in an era when authoritarianism is evolving and liberal democracy is facing a prolonged period of decline. In Presidents for Life in Sub-Saharan Africa: Unpuzzling Authoritarianism in Zimbabwe and Rwanda, Pinto examines how Robert Mugabe and Paul Kagame used these strategies in their personalized, semi-authoritarian, and resilient regimes in Sub-Saharan Africa as well as how their claims to legitimacy were challenged by opponents and civil society. She emphasizes that these strategies are not developed in isolation but have, instead, emerged from leaders’ continuous interactions and negotiations in legal, political, and economic spheres. Recognizing that the legitimation of power operates across different dimensions, this book adopts a multidimensional approach to show how authoritarian leadership is constructed and challenged. Through comparison of these two African leaders, this book unveils the tactics used by authoritarian leaders to consolidate power and navigate threats to their authority.

Babayo Sule and Usman Sambo analyse the recent Nigerian election reforms and their impact on the outcome of elections.This book provides a comprehensive analysis of electoral administration in the Fourth Republic of Nigeria (1999-present day) and its regulatory, institutional, and procedural reforms. These reforms will not only be examined in their basic framework, but will also be observed for their credibility, integrity and transparency. This book focuses on how these reforms were developed and how they work. Sule and Sambo argue for fundamental changes in the administration of elections in Nigeria, including the introduction of electronic processes such as the Smart Card Readers in 2015 and Bimodal Verification Accreditation Systems in the 2023 General Elections that have positively impacted the electoral process and integrity, without forgetting the antecedents of the numerous challenges faced during the period. They examine not only technological changes but also constitutional reforms, procedural reforms, and institutional reforms. Introducing a new dimension to the study of elections, the authors provide a clear picture of the roles of all the actors involved, the challenges they faced, the factors that enhanced integrity and credibility and the daunting challenges that continue to affect the success of the elections. Thus, this book presents practical measures and policy implications for an improved process in future elections in Nigeria.

The ongoing tension and hostility between China and Taiwan in Africa are a continuation of the Chinese Civil War (1927-1949) between the forces of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) which remained in mainland China, and the Kuomintang (KMT) of the Republic of China (ROC) which fled to the island of Taiwan. In the intervening years, China has claimed Taiwan as part of its territory and through persistent and aggressive political and economic efforts convinced much of the world to accept her as the sole and legitimate seat of the Chinese people and government. Africa-China-Taiwan Relations, 1949-2020provides a coherent account of why and how China was able to convince African governments to acquiesce to her claims which have resulted in the expulsion of and the diplomatic isolation of Taiwan on the African continent. This volume, edited by Sabella Ogbobode Abidde, also explains Taiwan’s unsuccessful efforts at blunting China’s maneuvers. It further discusses the endogenous and exogenous factors that swayed African governments to switch their diplomatic allegiance away from Taiwan—a country that was for many years an ally and dependable partner in their quest for growth and development. Finally, the book contains critical assessments of the role and place of China and Taiwan and their current relationship with states and societies on the African continent.

The ongoing tension and hostility between China and Taiwan in Africa are a continuation of the Chinese Civil War (1927-1949) between the forces of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) which remained in mainland China, and the Kuomintang (KMT) of the Republic of China (ROC) which fled to the island of Taiwan. In the intervening years, China has claimed Taiwan as part of its territory and through persistent and aggressive political and economic efforts convinced much of the world to accept her as the sole and legitimate seat of the Chinese people and government. Africa-China-Taiwan Relations, 1949-2020provides a coherent account of why and how China was able to convince African governments to acquiesce to her claims which have resulted in the expulsion of and the diplomatic isolation of Taiwan on the African continent. This volume, edited by Sabella Ogbobode Abidde, also explains Taiwan’s unsuccessful efforts at blunting China’s maneuvers. It further discusses the endogenous and exogenous factors that swayed African governments to switch their diplomatic allegiance away from Taiwan—a country that was for many years an ally and dependable partner in their quest for growth and development. Finally, the book contains critical assessments of the role and place of China and Taiwan and their current relationship with states and societies on the African continent.

Teresa Nogueira Pinto analyzes how Robert Mugabe and Paul Kagame developed narratives to legitimize and entrench their power in Rwanda and Zimbabwe.From South America to Eastern Europe, semi-authoritarian leaders often deploy strategies of power legitimation rooted in historical legacies, political institutions, legal and constitutional frameworks, economic conditions, and shifting regional and international dynamics. This framework is particularly pertinent in an era when authoritarianism is evolving and liberal democracy is facing a prolonged period of decline. In Presidents for Life in Sub-Saharan Africa: Unpuzzling Authoritarianism in Zimbabwe and Rwanda, Pinto examines how Robert Mugabe and Paul Kagame used these strategies in their personalized, semi-authoritarian, and resilient regimes in Sub-Saharan Africa as well as how their claims to legitimacy were challenged by opponents and civil society. She emphasizes that these strategies are not developed in isolation but have, instead, emerged from leaders' continuous interactions and negotiations in legal, political, and economic spheres. Recognizing that the legitimation of power operates across different dimensions, this book adopts a multidimensional approach to show how authoritarian leadership is constructed and challenged. Through comparison of these two African leaders, this book unveils the tactics used by authoritarian leaders to consolidate power and navigate threats to their authority.