Evidence-Based Approaches to Peace and Conflict Studies – serie

This book is a detailed account of how hierarchy has been maintained historically by the Nepali state, affirming the uniqueness of a caste-based social order by bringing outsiders, especially ethnic groups and religious minorities, into the caste fold. Focusing on the contemporary state of Dalits, the community that was and is put at the bottom of a very hierarchical social order in Nepal, the author argues that the traditional caste-based social order is still prevalent in the “new” Nepal even after the recent socio-political and constitutional changes. Illustrated by scientifically employed and interpreted data mainly in the three sectors of  education, politics and employment, the book postulates that people who were and are born into the “high caste” still have more access to the resources and opportunities available in society in comparison with those born into the “lower” caste. It further argues that although reservation policies are in place to address social exclusion, these could not bring expected outcomes mainly due to the lack of engagement, if not ignorance, of both dominant groups and the community in the margin. The absence of clarity among political actors on the positive discrimination and affirmative actions has contributed to backtracking the recently created space in line with “inclusive Nepal”.

This book is a detailed account of how hierarchy has been maintained historically by the Nepali state, affirming the uniqueness of a caste-based social order by bringing outsiders, especially ethnic groups and religious minorities, into the caste fold. Focusing on the contemporary state of Dalits, the community that was and is put at the bottom of a very hierarchical social order in Nepal, the author argues that the traditional caste-based social order is still prevalent in the “new” Nepal even after the recent socio-political and constitutional changes. Illustrated by scientifically employed and interpreted data mainly in the three sectors of  education, politics and employment, the book postulates that people who were and are born into the “high caste” still have more access to the resources and opportunities available in society in comparison with those born into the “lower” caste. It further argues that although reservation policies are in place to address social exclusion, these could not bring expected outcomes mainly due to the lack of engagement, if not ignorance, of both dominant groups and the community in the margin. The absence of clarity among political actors on the positive discrimination and affirmative actions has contributed to backtracking the recently created space in line with “inclusive Nepal”.

This is the first book dedicated to clarifying the concept of “foundlings” and how to best prevent their statelessness in light of the object and purpose of Article 2 of the 1961 UN Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness and equivalent nationality law provisions. Among other features, the book defines the terms “foundling,” including the maximum age limit of the child to be considered a “foundling”; “unknown parents”; being “found” in a territory; and “proof to the contrary”; as well as the procedural issues such as the appropriate burden and standard of proof. In doing so, the book draws upon a comparative analysis of national legislation on “foundlings” covering 193 states, case law, and precedents in some states as well as international human rights law norms including the best interests of the child. As its conclusion, the book proposes an inclusive model “foundling provision” and a commentary to inform legislative efforts and interpretation of the existing provisions. Its findings are useful not only to state parties to the 1961 Convention but also to non-state parties, particularly in countries lacking systematic civil documentation or experiencing the effects of armed conflicts, migration, trafficking, and displacement.

This is the first book dedicated to clarifying the concept of “foundlings” and how to best prevent their statelessness in light of the object and purpose of Article 2 of the 1961 UN Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness and equivalent nationality law provisions. Among other features, the book defines the terms “foundling,” including the maximum age limit of the child to be considered a “foundling”; “unknown parents”; being “found” in a territory; and “proof to the contrary”; as well as the procedural issues such as the appropriate burden and standard of proof. In doing so, the book draws upon a comparative analysis of national legislation on “foundlings” covering 193 states, case law, and precedents in some states as well as international human rights law norms including the best interests of the child. As its conclusion, the book proposes an inclusive model “foundling provision” and a commentary to inform legislative efforts and interpretation of the existing provisions. Its findings are useful not only to state parties to the 1961 Convention but also to non-state parties, particularly in countries lacking systematic civil documentation or experiencing the effects of armed conflicts, migration, trafficking, and displacement.

This open access book explains how PRIO, the world’s oldest peace research institute, was founded and how it survived through crises. In this book, twenty-four of its researchers and associates, including Johan Galtung, Ingrid Eide, and Mari Holmboe Ruge, who founded the institute back in 1959, tell the stories of their roles in inventing and developing peace research. They reflect on their personal experiences with peace and conflict, tell what drove their peace engagement, and discuss the balance sought in the field between the cold dictates from academic rigor and the hot pursuit of peace, a desire for research to make a positive difference. Most of the chapters are interviews where one colleague interviews another. Some are self-reflective essays, while others are memorial essays written about a peace researcher who has passed away. Taken together, the book presents a lively picture of a thriving world-leading research environment and a wealth of conflicting or mutually reinforcing perspectives on war, violence, conflict, conflict management and resolution, negotiations and mediation, peacemaking, peace building, and the contested concept of peace.“The Oslo Stories is an indispensable source to the history of peace research.”Dr. Olav Njølstad, Director, Nobel Institute, Oslo

This open access book explains how PRIO, the world’s oldest peace research institute, was founded and how it survived through crises. In this book, twenty-four of its researchers and associates, including Johan Galtung, Ingrid Eide, and Mari Holmboe Ruge, who founded the institute back in 1959, tell the stories of their roles in inventing and developing peace research. They reflect on their personal experiences with peace and conflict, tell what drove their peace engagement, and discuss the balance sought in the field between the cold dictates from academic rigor and the hot pursuit of peace, a desire for research to make a positive difference. Most of the chapters are interviews where one colleague interviews another. Some are self-reflective essays, while others are memorial essays written about a peace researcher who has passed away. Taken together, the book presents a lively picture of a thriving world-leading research environment and a wealth of conflicting or mutually reinforcing perspectives on war, violence, conflict, conflict management and resolution, negotiations and mediation, peacemaking, peace building, and the contested concept of peace.“The Oslo Stories is an indispensable source to the history of peace research.”Dr. Olav Njølstad, Director, Nobel Institute, Oslo

Strategic rivalries are contests between states that view one another as threatening competitors and treat each other as enemies. A disproportionate amount of interstate conflict is generated by a relatively small number of these pairs of states engaged in rivalries that can persist for years. Thus, to understand interstate peace and conflict, it is useful to know how rivalries work in general and more specifically. In the past two decades, a strenuous effort has been mounted to introduce the concept of rivalry and demonstrate its utility in unraveling conflict situations. Yet all rivalries are not exactly alike. We need to move to a more rewarding differentiation of how they differ in general. Principal rivalries are those antagonisms that are most significant to the decision makers in a state. The main distinction on issues about which rivals dispute are positional and spatial concerns. Positional rivalries contend over regional and global influence. Spatial rivals contend over which state deserves to control disputed territory. Interventionary rivalries predominate in sub-Saharan Africa. Their primary focus involves neighboring states attempting to influence who rules and how co-ethnics are treated. This book updates the inventory of strategic rivalries from 1816 to 2020. Principal rivalries are identified for the first time and cover the same period. A theory stressing the two main types of rivalry (positional and spatial) is elaborated and tested. Regional variations on the origins and terminations of spatial rivalry are explored and interpreted. In addition, attention is paid to fluctuations in the intensity of positional rivalries by examining the working of the contemporary major power triangle (United States, Soviet Union/Russia, and China) and, more generally, the dynamics of regional power that are rising in terms of their relative capability and status in the system. Variations in cooperation and termination dynamics both in general andaccording to rivalry type are also examined.  Overall, the emphases of the book are split between demonstrating the utility of distinguishing among rivalry types and examining selected rivalry dynamics.

Strategic rivalries are contests between states that view one another as threatening competitors and treat each other as enemies. A disproportionate amount of interstate conflict is generated by a relatively small number of these pairs of states engaged in rivalries that can persist for years. Thus, to understand interstate peace and conflict, it is useful to know how rivalries work in general and more specifically. In the past two decades, a strenuous effort has been mounted to introduce the concept of rivalry and demonstrate its utility in unraveling conflict situations. Yet all rivalries are not exactly alike. We need to move to a more rewarding differentiation of how they differ in general. Principal rivalries are those antagonisms that are most significant to the decision makers in a state. The main distinction on issues about which rivals dispute are positional and spatial concerns. Positional rivalries contend over regional and global influence. Spatial rivals contend over which state deserves to control disputed territory. Interventionary rivalries predominate in sub-Saharan Africa. Their primary focus involves neighboring states attempting to influence who rules and how co-ethnics are treated. This book updates the inventory of strategic rivalries from 1816 to 2020. Principal rivalries are identified for the first time and cover the same period. A theory stressing the two main types of rivalry (positional and spatial) is elaborated and tested. Regional variations on the origins and terminations of spatial rivalry are explored and interpreted. In addition, attention is paid to fluctuations in the intensity of positional rivalries by examining the working of the contemporary major power triangle (United States, Soviet Union/Russia, and China) and, more generally, the dynamics of regional power that are rising in terms of their relative capability and status in the system. Variations in cooperation and termination dynamics both in general andaccording to rivalry type are also examined.  Overall, the emphases of the book are split between demonstrating the utility of distinguishing among rivalry types and examining selected rivalry dynamics.

This edited book is written by six authors from Asia and Africa. The individual authors focus on their own country's case or cases that they have been working on. The book features local conflicts in six countries in Asia and Africa and identifies how the local conflicts are affected by the forces of globalization. Cases include Nigeria's oil-related conflicts, the Democratic Republic of Congo's timber conflicts, continuing instability in Mozanbique, Thailand's conflict with regard to AIDS medicine, Myanmar's local conflicts after its reforms, and the Afghanistan’s conflicts over minerals.  From these diverse case studies, the book examines how globalization and international politics affect local politics and conflicts, and vice versa. Even seemingly internal conflicts are shown to be significantly influenced by globalization forces and to create new dynamism in local politics. While there are other books that explore globalization and conflicts, many of them are conceptuallyorganized with a small number of case studies. The present volume examines local conflicts in relation to globalization and demonstrates how structural inequality vis-a-vis weak stateness and statehood are significantly affected by global political economy.

This edited book is written by six authors from Asia and Africa. The individual authors focus on their own country's case or cases that they have been working on. The book features local conflicts in six countries in Asia and Africa and identifies how the local conflicts are affected by the forces of globalization. Cases include Nigeria's oil-related conflicts, the Democratic Republic of Congo's timber conflicts, continuing instability in Mozanbique, Thailand's conflict with regard to AIDS medicine, Myanmar's local conflicts after its reforms, and the Afghanistan’s conflicts over minerals.  From these diverse case studies, the book examines how globalization and international politics affect local politics and conflicts, and vice versa. Even seemingly internal conflicts are shown to be significantly influenced by globalization forces and to create new dynamism in local politics. While there are other books that explore globalization and conflicts, many of them are conceptuallyorganized with a small number of case studies. The present volume examines local conflicts in relation to globalization and demonstrates how structural inequality vis-a-vis weak stateness and statehood are significantly affected by global political economy.

The three main levels of analysis in international relations have been the systemic, the national, and the individual.  A fourth level that falls between the systemic and the national is the region.  It is woefully underdeveloped in comparison to the attention afforded the other three.  Yet regions tend to be distinctive theaters for international politics.  Otherwise, we would not recognize that Middle Eastern interstate politics somehow does not resemble Latin American interstate politics or interstate politics in Southern Africa (although once the Middle East and Southern Africa may have seemed more similar in their mutual fixation with opposition to domestic policies in Israel and  South Africa, respectively). This book, divided into three parts, first makes a case for studying regional politics even though it must also be appreciated that regional boundaries are also hazy and not always easy to pin down empirically.  The second part examines power distributions within regions as an important entry point to studying regional similarities and differences.  Two emphases are stressed.  One is that regional power assessments need to be conditioned by controlling for weak states which are more common in some regions than they are in others.  The other emphasis is on regional power hierarchies.  Some regions have strong regional hierarchies while others do not. Regions with strong hierarchies operate much differently from those without them in the sense that the former are more pacific than the latter.  The third part of the book focuses on regional differences in terms of conflict behavior, order preferences, rivalries, and rivalry termination.

The three main levels of analysis in international relations have been the systemic, the national, and the individual.  A fourth level that falls between the systemic and the national is the region.  It is woefully underdeveloped in comparison to the attention afforded the other three.  Yet regions tend to be distinctive theaters for international politics.  Otherwise, we would not recognize that Middle Eastern interstate politics somehow does not resemble Latin American interstate politics or interstate politics in Southern Africa (although once the Middle East and Southern Africa may have seemed more similar in their mutual fixation with opposition to domestic policies in Israel and  South Africa, respectively). This book, divided into three parts, first makes a case for studying regional politics even though it must also be appreciated that regional boundaries are also hazy and not always easy to pin down empirically.  The second part examines power distributions within regions as an important entry point to studying regional similarities and differences.  Two emphases are stressed.  One is that regional power assessments need to be conditioned by controlling for weak states which are more common in some regions than they are in others.  The other emphasis is on regional power hierarchies.  Some regions have strong regional hierarchies while others do not. Regions with strong hierarchies operate much differently from those without them in the sense that the former are more pacific than the latter.  The third part of the book focuses on regional differences in terms of conflict behavior, order preferences, rivalries, and rivalry termination.

Relying on micro-evidence on the repercussions of civil conflicts, this edited book explores theories and policies of post-conflict peacebuilding. Reconsidering existing knowledge on the civil conflict and peacebuilding processes in particular, it empirically presents the relationships between conflict dynamics and citizens’ norms, values, and preferences in the post-conflict context.  Once it occurs, civil conflict brings enormous suffering on the local society. As a consequence of wartime coercion and violence that tear it apart, citizens come to harbor fear, distrust, and hatred of others, especially of those who are in different sociopolitical groups. This can significantly alter the pre-conflict norms and values of the citizenry and make reconciliation difficult across groups in the aftermath of the conflict.  To tackle these problems, post-conflict peacebuilding should be well designed so that it can widely cover and sufficiently deal with conflict-affected citizens. This approach urges us to pay serious attention to the individual-level impact of the conflict process and dynamics. The importance of micro-level analysis does not disregard that of normative and/or macro-level approaches to the development of peacebuilding policies. However, the micro-level approach is better able to capture wartime civil–military relations that largely vary between individuals.  The book is aimed at linking academic knowledge with policy development in peacebuilding. To reflect existing policy frameworks in peacebuilding, the implications of micro-evidence-based studies for conflict-affected societies are discussed here. A bottom-up approach pursued throughout this book allows us to elaborate desirable policy schemes for peacebuilding that conform to local contexts.

Relying on micro-evidence on the repercussions of civil conflicts, this edited book explores theories and policies of post-conflict peacebuilding. Reconsidering existing knowledge on the civil conflict and peacebuilding processes in particular, it empirically presents the relationships between conflict dynamics and citizens’ norms, values, and preferences in the post-conflict context.  Once it occurs, civil conflict brings enormous suffering on the local society. As a consequence of wartime coercion and violence that tear it apart, citizens come to harbor fear, distrust, and hatred of others, especially of those who are in different sociopolitical groups. This can significantly alter the pre-conflict norms and values of the citizenry and make reconciliation difficult across groups in the aftermath of the conflict.  To tackle these problems, post-conflict peacebuilding should be well designed so that it can widely cover and sufficiently deal with conflict-affected citizens. This approach urges us to pay serious attention to the individual-level impact of the conflict process and dynamics. The importance of micro-level analysis does not disregard that of normative and/or macro-level approaches to the development of peacebuilding policies. However, the micro-level approach is better able to capture wartime civil–military relations that largely vary between individuals.  The book is aimed at linking academic knowledge with policy development in peacebuilding. To reflect existing policy frameworks in peacebuilding, the implications of micro-evidence-based studies for conflict-affected societies are discussed here. A bottom-up approach pursued throughout this book allows us to elaborate desirable policy schemes for peacebuilding that conform to local contexts.

This book considers that contextual factors are important for the achievement of social justice and it recognizes that vulnerability to which children are exposed is a phenomenon throughout the planet, particularly in the South. It presents a theoretical review of social justice as well as different situations of vulnerability children experience in their daily lives in which they can be injured, affecting their well-being and the exercise of their rights. It examines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on children, considered as a vulnerable group warranting special social policy considerations. It also presents the need to change power structures in knowledge production and decision-making processes to achieve social justice for children; the importance of investing in children; the exclusion of children from participation in certain activities and the shame of not being able to participate in equal conditions with others;  the lives of migrant children belonging to ethnic minorities exposed to language barriers and access to technological devices; and the analysis of the process of social re-integration of children from conditions of armed conflict. The book concludes that governments need to assume social justice as part of universal human interests, providing security, conditions for well-being, and guaranteeing social justice for all children.

This book considers that contextual factors are important for the achievement of social justice and it recognizes that vulnerability to which children are exposed is a phenomenon throughout the planet, particularly in the South. It presents a theoretical review of social justice as well as different situations of vulnerability children experience in their daily lives in which they can be injured, affecting their well-being and the exercise of their rights. It examines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on children, considered as a vulnerable group warranting special social policy considerations. It also presents the need to change power structures in knowledge production and decision-making processes to achieve social justice for children; the importance of investing in children; the exclusion of children from participation in certain activities and the shame of not being able to participate in equal conditions with others;  the lives of migrant children belonging to ethnic minorities exposed to language barriers and access to technological devices; and the analysis of the process of social re-integration of children from conditions of armed conflict. The book concludes that governments need to assume social justice as part of universal human interests, providing security, conditions for well-being, and guaranteeing social justice for all children.

The purpose of this book is to introduce readers to INDOPACOM, which is responsible for U.S. military operations in a region covering approximately 50 percent of the Earth from the Pacific Ocean to the Indian Ocean.  INDOPACOM has not received much attention in Japan compared to USFJ or the US Seventh Fleet. This book shines a spotlight on INDOPACOM in an effort to promote an understanding of its various aspects. The mission of INDOPACOM is to protect U.S. territory, people, and national interests. However, it also includes protection of the countries within its geographic scope that are U.S. allies and security partners.  INDOPACOM and its precursor Pacific Command, established in 1947, have always been major contributors to the peace and safety of Japan in the post-World War II era. In view of the importance of U.S. interests in Northeast Asia, the region also has two Sub-Unified Combatant Commands called United States ForcesJapan (USFJ) and United States Forces Korea (USFK). Each of these organizations strives to strengthen the relationship with the Japan Self-Defense Forces and the Republic of Korea armed forces. Together, the United States, Japan and our partners around the globe will continue to safeguard the rules-based security order that has underpinned peace and prosperity for decades.

The purpose of this book is to introduce readers to INDOPACOM, which is responsible for U.S. military operations in a region covering approximately 50 percent of the Earth from the Pacific Ocean to the Indian Ocean.  INDOPACOM has not received much attention in Japan compared to USFJ or the US Seventh Fleet. This book shines a spotlight on INDOPACOM in an effort to promote an understanding of its various aspects. The mission of INDOPACOM is to protect U.S. territory, people, and national interests. However, it also includes protection of the countries within its geographic scope that are U.S. allies and security partners.  INDOPACOM and its precursor Pacific Command, established in 1947, have always been major contributors to the peace and safety of Japan in the post-World War II era. In view of the importance of U.S. interests in Northeast Asia, the region also has two Sub-Unified Combatant Commands called United States ForcesJapan (USFJ) and United States Forces Korea (USFK). Each of these organizations strives to strengthen the relationship with the Japan Self-Defense Forces and the Republic of Korea armed forces. Together, the United States, Japan and our partners around the globe will continue to safeguard the rules-based security order that has underpinned peace and prosperity for decades.

This book attempts to develop a novel way of conceptualizing regionalism under hyper-globalization. Until recently, regionalism has been often framed in terms of economic interdependence and security connectivity in which sovereign states are the key navigators within the liberal world order. Under hyper-globalization in the third millennium, hyper-globalization forces us to capture global politics at two more levels of measurement at the state level and both there below and there above. First, how 29 Asian sovereign states join multilateral treaty participation to develop their global quasi-legislative types and how citizens' satisfaction with quality of life in 29 civil societies shapes their societal types. Second, relating these two features above and below sovereign states, the book attempts to measure the features and speculate on the futures of four Asian regionalisms (Central Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia and East Asia) and their prospect of the demographically largest continent called Asia in the twenty-first century. Regionalism is measured by the proclivity of 600 multilateral treaty participation in terms of speed (cautious versus agile), angle (global commons versus individual interests) and strategy (aspirational bonding versus mutual binding), whereas quality of life is measured by citizens' satisfaction with 16 domains, aspects and styles of individual daily life in terms of survival (or materialism), social relations (post-materialism) and public policy preponderance. The book opens an innovative vista to better understand tumultuous global politics. This ambitious volume leverages original survey data on citizen satisfaction and country-level data on treaty accessions to characterize the trajectories of countries in four regions of Asia as they adapt -- or fail to adapt -- to the challenges of globalization in the 21st century and beyond. Readers will learn much about politics from the basic level of the individual citizen to the most comprehensive level of the global system - and about the interactions of politics at all levels.-- Andrew J. Nathan, Class of 1919 Professor of Political Science, Columbia University A wonderful attempt to link a country’s domestic development and its adaptation to the global politics. It is truly eye-opening and the findings are likely to significantly shape our understanding of life and global politics.-- Zhengxu Wang, Ph.D. Distinguished Professor, Department of Political Science, Fudan University

This book attempts to develop a novel way of conceptualizing regionalism under hyper-globalization. Until recently, regionalism has been often framed in terms of economic interdependence and security connectivity in which sovereign states are the key navigators within the liberal world order. Under hyper-globalization in the third millennium, hyper-globalization forces us to capture global politics at two more levels of measurement at the state level and both there below and there above. First, how 29 Asian sovereign states join multilateral treaty participation to develop their global quasi-legislative types and how citizens' satisfaction with quality of life in 29 civil societies shapes their societal types. Second, relating these two features above and below sovereign states, the book attempts to measure the features and speculate on the futures of four Asian regionalisms (Central Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia and East Asia) and their prospect of the demographically largest continent called Asia in the twenty-first century. Regionalism is measured by the proclivity of 600 multilateral treaty participation in terms of speed (cautious versus agile), angle (global commons versus individual interests) and strategy (aspirational bonding versus mutual binding), whereas quality of life is measured by citizens' satisfaction with 16 domains, aspects and styles of individual daily life in terms of survival (or materialism), social relations (post-materialism) and public policy preponderance. The book opens an innovative vista to better understand tumultuous global politics. This ambitious volume leverages original survey data on citizen satisfaction and country-level data on treaty accessions to characterize the trajectories of countries in four regions of Asia as they adapt -- or fail to adapt -- to the challenges of globalization in the 21st century and beyond. Readers will learn much about politics from the basic level of the individual citizen to the most comprehensive level of the global system - and about the interactions of politics at all levels.-- Andrew J. Nathan, Class of 1919 Professor of Political Science, Columbia University A wonderful attempt to link a country’s domestic development and its adaptation to the global politics. It is truly eye-opening and the findings are likely to significantly shape our understanding of life and global politics.-- Zhengxu Wang, Ph.D. Distinguished Professor, Department of Political Science, Fudan University

This book is a rarity in that it opens a genuinely creative new vista for understanding global politics as distinguished from international politics, enhancing the vision for understanding global subjects such as multilateral treaties and the Covid-19 virus. Six hundred multilateral treaties deposited in the UN are conceptualized as a bundle of quasi-social contracts by sovereign states. A state’s participation in multilateral treaties is envisaged as digitized statecraft. Using a state’s physical actions and treaties’ attributes, 193 profiles of statecraft are analyzed with the implications for the future of global politics. This book demonstrates that multilateral treaties are both a vehicle and an agency in the globalization trend; thus, both state and international actors influence a state’s joining multilateral treaties. The book represents a marriage of international law and applied information science. It provides a framework for empirical modeling based on artificial intelligence and analyzes this framework in terms of international law and international relations. This book thus creates a new understanding of global politics.

This book is a rarity in that it opens a genuinely creative new vista for understanding global politics as distinguished from international politics, enhancing the vision for understanding global subjects such as multilateral treaties and the Covid-19 virus. Six hundred multilateral treaties deposited in the UN are conceptualized as a bundle of quasi-social contracts by sovereign states. A state’s participation in multilateral treaties is envisaged as digitized statecraft. Using a state’s physical actions and treaties’ attributes, 193 profiles of statecraft are analyzed with the implications for the future of global politics. This book demonstrates that multilateral treaties are both a vehicle and an agency in the globalization trend; thus, both state and international actors influence a state’s joining multilateral treaties. The book represents a marriage of international law and applied information science. It provides a framework for empirical modeling based on artificial intelligence and analyzes this framework in terms of international law and international relations. This book thus creates a new understanding of global politics.

Why do formal peace settlements contain large-scale state–insurgent conflict yet leave violence embedded in everyday politics? This book revisits liberal peacebuilding through a historically grounded study of Mindanao in the southern Philippines. Moving beyond a simple success-or-failure view of peacebuilding, it examines how the Bangsamoro peace process transformed a protracted state–insurgent conflict into negotiated autonomy while reconfiguring the political order in which localized violence persists. Tracing the long history of colonial incorporation, national integration, Moro insurgency, clan politics, and autonomy, the book shows how vertical conflict between the Philippine state and Moro revolutionary movements has intersected with horizontal forms of coercion, including clan feuding, electoral violence, and struggles over land, office, resources, and protection. It develops the concept of the state–clan–insurgent nexus to explain how state institutions, rebel organizations, political clans, and local brokers have cooperated, competed, and bargained over authority and legitimacy. The book argues that institutionalized peace in Mindanao has produced a form of bounded stabilization: renewed large-scale state–insurgent war has become less likely and governance more routinized, yet authority remains plural, legitimacy uneven, and violence increasingly localized. By analyzing peacebuilding as political order-making rather than simply post-conflict reconstruction, this book offers a context-sensitive framework for understanding protracted conflict, territorial autonomy, hybrid governance, and the unfinished politics of peace in conflict-affected societies. Miyoko Taniguchi is Professor of International Relations, Peace and Conflict Studies at Miyazaki Municipal University, Japan.

This study aims to deepen the understanding of Japan’s evolving national security outlook since the Cold War period to the present.  It uniquely attempts to integrate debates on the interpretation of the “Peace” Constitution, viewpoints on nuclear deterrence and disarmament, and attitudes toward the “history issues” into a composite whole and relate it to Tokyo’s foreign and defense policies.Following the Cold War, Japanese policymakers sought to reformulate the core tenets of postwar security policy. Their goal was to strengthen the Japan–U.S. alliance by demonstrating a greater willingness to assume military responsibilities. This process required addressing what the book identifies as isolationist tendencies within Japanese society—tendencies that had long affected constitutional interpretations (particularly concerning the right to collective self-defense), nuclear policy debates, and discourse on Japan’s prewar history.Today, Japan’s security environment appears to be undergoing another fundamental transformation. The rapid rise of China, coupled with a growing trend in the United States—exemplified by President Trump—toward economic protectionism and a diminished emphasis on alliance commitments, poses challenges to U.S. efforts to maintain a favorable balance of power in the Asia-Pacific region. In response, Tokyo may need to seriously explore alternatives to its current national security posture.By examining the successes and limitations of Japan’s efforts to overcome long-standing isolationism, this book offers valuable insights into how the country might navigate its future security challenges.

This edited book aims to offer a comprehensive analysis of the preceding and ongoing development of the Israel-Gaza war, using a multidisciplinary approach. The chapters, written by scholars of the Middle Eastern studies, political science, anthropology, and international law, investigate the root causes of the eruption of the war, taking a viewpoint from within. Hamas’s attack on Israel on October 7, 2023 caused deep shockwaves throughout the world. While the developments seemed unprecedented, the question remains whether it was an unpredictable total surprise. Given the context surrounding Palestine and Israel, it is likely that there were inherent elements in the preceding political environment that led to the current humanitarian disaster and quagmire of the battle. The assumption is that the existence of “fragile stability” might have caused the October 7 attack. What kind of fragility and robustness of the framework existed in the political, social, legal, and international conditions? How did these conditions affect the conduct of the actors in this region ultimately leading to the current situation? What challenges are likely to emerge in this region in the near future? This book addresses these questions from various perspectives. For the best clarification of the questions, authors include experts in American studies who discuss the diplomatic intervention of the United States, a former judge of the International Criminal Court who explores the role of international law in the conflict, and a legal advisor to the Oslo Peace Process who provides understanding the deep roots of the conflict. The analysis of this volume will provide an in-depth understanding of the background of the October 7 attack and contributes to the theoretical development of the concept of “fragile stability,” which can be applied to examine other cases of conflict. “Fragile Stability provides a compelling and in-depth historical account of the background that proceeded Hamas’ assault on October 7, 2023, and how it led to an unprecedented upsurge of violence in Gaza, one of the darkest moments in human history. A must-read for those who wish not only to understand the Palestinian-Israeli conflict but also to envision ways of resolving it.”--- Sari Hanafi, Professor, American University of Beirut, Lebanon This topical edited volume includes a very important collection of essays addressing the political background and general context that led to the catastrophic Israel-Hamas War of 2023-2025, providing clues to make sense of the Hamas assault of October 7, 2023, followed by the Israeli military reaction in the Gaza Strip and the spread of the war in the region. Its unique contribution stems from different levels of analysis: several chapters refer to the domestic political landscapes in both Israel and Palestine, examining the numerous cleavages among and within both societies.  In addition, the scope of the analysis broadens by referring also to international law and other relevant international actors, including the United States and Iran.--- Arie M. Kacowicz, Professor, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel This volume showcases the critical insights and scholarship of Japanese scholars of the Middle East about the causes and consequences of the October 7 Hamas attack on Israel and the war which followed. With close studies of both Palestinian and Israeli politics, Fragile Stability makes a compelling case for an analytical framework which helps make sense of both dramatic changes and remarkable continuities in the conflict. --- Marc Lynch, Professor, The George Washington University, Washington, DC, USA

This edited book aims to offer a comprehensive analysis of the preceding and ongoing development of the Israel-Gaza war, using a multidisciplinary approach. The chapters, written by scholars of the Middle Eastern studies, political science, anthropology, and international law, investigate the root causes of the eruption of the war, taking a viewpoint from within. Hamas’s attack on Israel on October 7, 2023 caused deep shockwaves throughout the world. While the developments seemed unprecedented, the question remains whether it was an unpredictable total surprise. Given the context surrounding Palestine and Israel, it is likely that there were inherent elements in the preceding political environment that led to the current humanitarian disaster and quagmire of the battle. The assumption is that the existence of “fragile stability” might have caused the October 7 attack. What kind of fragility and robustness of the framework existed in the political, social, legal, and international conditions? How did these conditions affect the conduct of the actors in this region ultimately leading to the current situation? What challenges are likely to emerge in this region in the near future? This book addresses these questions from various perspectives. For the best clarification of the questions, authors include experts in American studies who discuss the diplomatic intervention of the United States, a former judge of the International Criminal Court who explores the role of international law in the conflict, and a legal advisor to the Oslo Peace Process who provides understanding the deep roots of the conflict. The analysis of this volume will provide an in-depth understanding of the background of the October 7 attack and contributes to the theoretical development of the concept of “fragile stability,” which can be applied to examine other cases of conflict. “Fragile Stability provides a compelling and in-depth historical account of the background that proceeded Hamas’ assault on October 7, 2023, and how it led to an unprecedented upsurge of violence in Gaza, one of the darkest moments in human history. A must-read for those who wish not only to understand the Palestinian-Israeli conflict but also to envision ways of resolving it.”--- Sari Hanafi, Professor, American University of Beirut, Lebanon This topical edited volume includes a very important collection of essays addressing the political background and general context that led to the catastrophic Israel-Hamas War of 2023-2025, providing clues to make sense of the Hamas assault of October 7, 2023, followed by the Israeli military reaction in the Gaza Strip and the spread of the war in the region. Its unique contribution stems from different levels of analysis: several chapters refer to the domestic political landscapes in both Israel and Palestine, examining the numerous cleavages among and within both societies.  In addition, the scope of the analysis broadens by referring also to international law and other relevant international actors, including the United States and Iran.--- Arie M. Kacowicz, Professor, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel This volume showcases the critical insights and scholarship of Japanese scholars of the Middle East about the causes and consequences of the October 7 Hamas attack on Israel and the war which followed. With close studies of both Palestinian and Israeli politics, Fragile Stability makes a compelling case for an analytical framework which helps make sense of both dramatic changes and remarkable continuities in the conflict. --- Marc Lynch, Professor, The George Washington University, Washington, DC, USA

This is the first monograph to empirically analyze the impact of the myriad conflicts that arose within Iraq in the wake of the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003 on nation-building. It draws upon a plethora of primary sources, including school textbooks and local newspapers, in conjunction with a range of unique surveys, quantitative text analysis, and other methodologies. This study represents a distinctive attempt to answer the question of why national cohesion has been maintained despite the occurrence of devastating conflicts and a brutal civil war in Iraq. It employs unique data and a mixed-methods approach to achieve this goal. It has frequently been asserted that the Iraqi state descended into dysfunction and national unity was undermined as a consequence of the various conflicts that have occurred in the post-war period. However, the author's multiple surveys revealed that, despite a lack of trust in state institutions, individuals have high expectations of their role. Moreover, there is a paucity of trust in non-state actors who are responsible for fulfilling the functions of the state in its absence. The surveys also indicate a robust sense of Iraqi identity in spite of the civil wars and conflicts that divide the population, along with a high value placed on national integration policies. This book elucidates the factors that have led to these contradictory attitudes. Focusing centrally on issues surrounding post-conflict nation-building in Iraq, the book also offers methodological suggestions for analyzing various aspects of the impact of conflict in other post-war societies, a topic that has not been thoroughly studied empirically.

This book analyzes and compares the history of decolonization throughout Asian countries.Is it really possible to paint a unified picture of Asia's diverse modern and contemporary history, from kingdoms to republics, from authoritarian regimes to liberal democracies? This book vividly answers this question by focusing on “decolonization,” especially in the 1940s and 1950s, before and after World War II, because the power relations that were established during this period are the “origins” that have an important influence on the current political system.This book focuses on the question of why some Asian countries became democracies while others became autocracies of various kinds after decolonization. The key is “institutions and movements” at the end of the colonial period. The book focuses on two important factors influencing the political changes before and after independence: the institutions of self-government and the royal family, and the movements, radical with armed struggle and moderate without armed struggle. Based on the combination of the existence or non-existence of these institutions and the strength or weakness of the movements, four types of leadership groups are derived to elucidate the post-independence regime typology. This approach will allow us to bring into a unified perspective for the first time the diverse history of modern and contemporary Asia.

This book is one of the first edited volumes on the current Israel/Palestine conflict—the Gaza Nakba 2023–24. It contains contributions from both young post-doctoral researchers and more seasoned scholars from Japan. These authors, with their rich experience of field work in the region and their interdisciplinary approaches, are able to provide critical analyses on the current breakdown of humanitarian norms, the dysfunctional state of international organizations, and the breakdown of conflict management and peace-building. The unique viewpoints of Japanese scholars are shared regarding their understanding of the critical developments in Gaza since October 7, 2023. Further, these chapters analyze the background of the conflict, focusing on popular sentiments, national identity, and historical memory in Israel/Palestine, and the importance of space and land as national and cultural symbols, using rich and updated written and visualdata from the region.This work significantly challenges prevailing arguments, as it avoids stereotyped understandings of the persistence of religious and ethnic hatred, the proxy relationships of global powers (e.g., USA) and regional ones (Iran), and regional rivalries over geopolitical and economic interests in the Middle East. Such arguments as these provide no more than a quick divide-and-rule type of solution, encouraging merely superficial diplomatic coordination among the major global powers rather than a real solution. Alternatively, this book provides a new framework for understanding the structure of the conflict, making way for solving the problem from the popular level, and delving deeply into reconsideration of the durability or non-durability of the state system in the Middle East and a Western originated liberal international order and norm in general. The book also discloses the severe reality that human rights in the Global South are often neglected. In this sense, the purpose of this work is to disclose the significance of the Gaza War as an iconic event which reveals all the contradictions, inequalities and injustices in a global historical context. This book is essential for anyone who wants a fresh and expert consideration of the Israel-Palestine-Gaza issue, which avoids the often parochial stereotypes that attend it in the West, and which views it through a global lens.Juan Cole, Richard P. Mitchell Collegiate Professor of History, University of Michigan