New Studies in Southern History – serie

This book chronicles the history of movie censorship in Virginia from the 1920s to 1960s. At its most basic level, it analyzes the project of state film censorship in Virginia. It uses the contestations surrounding film censorship as a framework for more fully understanding the dominant political, economic, and cultural hierarchies that structured Virginia and much of the New South in the mid-twentieth century and ways in which citizens contested these prevailing structures. This study highlights the centrality of gendered and racialized discourses in the debates over the movies and the broader regulatory power of the state. It particularly emphasizes ways in which issues of race, class, gender, and sexuality framed debates over popular culture in the South. It ties the regulation of racial and sexual boundaries in other areas such as public facilities, schools, public transportation, the voting booth, and residential housing to ways in which censors regulated those same boundaries in popular culture. This book shows how the same racialized and gendered social norms and legal codes that placed audience members in different theater spaces also informed ways in which what they viewed on-screen had been mediated by state officials. Ultimately, this study shows how Virginia’s officials attempted to use the project of film censorship as the cultural arm of regulation to further buttress the state’s political and economic hierarchies of the time period and the ways in various citizens and community groups supported and challenged these hierarchies across the censorship board’s forty-three-year history.

Even before the end of Reconstruction in Arkansas, the state already possessed a long-standing reputation for violence, including lynchings, duels, and feuds. However, the years following Reconstruction witnessed the creation of new forms of mob violence. All across the state, gangs of whites sought to drive African Americans from their homes, their jobs, and their positions of authority, creating communities shamelessly advertised as “100% white.” This happened not only in the highland regions, the Ozarks and the Ouachitas, where the expulsion of African Americans created so-called “sundown towns,” but it also occurred in the low-lying Delta lands of eastern Arkansas, where cotton was king and where masked mobs of landless “whitecappers” and “nightriders” regularly dealt terror and murder to black sharecroppers.Racial Cleansing in Arkansas, 1883–1924: Politics, Land, Labor, and Criminality by Guy Lancaster is the first book to examine the phenomenon of racial cleansing within the context of one particular state, illustrating how violence relates to geography and economic development. Lancaster analyzes the wholesale expulsion of African Americans and the emergence of “sundown towns” together with a survey of more limited deportations, including those with blatant political goals as well as vigilante violence. The book has broader implications not only for the study of Southern and American history but also for a deeper understanding of ethnic and racial conflict, local politics, and labor history

Leisure, Plantations, and the Making of New South investigates the social, architectural, and environmental history of sporting plantations in the South Carolina lowcountry and the Red Hills region of southeast Georgia and northern Florida. Although plantations figure prominently in histories of the post-emancipation South, historians have paid little attention to the redevelopment of plantations for non-agricultural use. By examining the two largest concentrations of sporting plantations on the south Atlantic coast, this collection explores questions about historical memory of slavery, race relations, material culture, and the environment during the first half of the twentieth century.

Leisure, Plantations, and the Making of New South investigates the social, architectural, and environmental history of sporting plantations in the South Carolina lowcountry and the Red Hills region of southeast Georgia and northern Florida. Although plantations figure prominently in histories of the post-emancipation South, historians have paid little attention to the redevelopment of plantations for non-agricultural use. By examining the two largest concentrations of sporting plantations on the south Atlantic coast, this collection explores questions about historical memory of slavery, race relations, material culture, and the environment during the first half of the twentieth century.

The focus of this work is a reconstruction of the life and career of an Ulster-Scot fur trader, George Galphin (pronounced Golfin), who immigrated to South Carolina in the colonial period. The thesis of this work is that his life and career helped to shape the history of the backcountry of Georgia and South Carolina in three distinct ways. First, his support of a “for profit” Indian trade (as opposed to a “for stability trade”) shaped Anglo-Indian relations between frontier settlers and their Indian neighbors. Ultimately, men like Galphin helped the United States move away from the British policy towards Native Americans in favor of a uniquely American policy which ran the gamut from exploitation to land seizures and finally toward Indian Removal itself. The book involves a look at the histories of the Muskogee Creeks and Cherokees who were his clients and has a heavy Native American component. Galphin’s second major influence on the Southeast came with the creation of the Ulster-Scot communities he sponsored in both South Carolina and Georgia. The relocation plans catered strictly to the Scots-Irish Protestants and located them in “danger zones” between coastal settlements of Anglo-Saxon British settlers and the Indian frontiers of the two colonies.Galphin’s third major influence came during the American Revolution when he was appointed as a Patriot Indian Commissioner fighting to control the southeastern tribes and keep them out of the war. In that role, he made his contribution, as did so many others, that helped secure a Patriot victory. This part of his story would be of note to an audience interested in the American Revolution in the South from the perspective of the backcountry. Finally, his family life included the creation of a large, multi-racial family which helped establish the Creole society of the Eastern Georgia/Western South Carolina. His spouses and children included Caucasians, Native Americans, and African-Americans. Two of Galphin's daughters were his slaves until his death.

The focus of this work is a reconstruction of the life and career of an Ulster-Scot fur trader, George Galphin (pronounced Golfin), who immigrated to South Carolina in the colonial period. The thesis of this work is that his life and career helped to shape the history of the backcountry of Georgia and South Carolina in three distinct ways. First, his support of a “for profit” Indian trade (as opposed to a “for stability trade”) shaped Anglo-Indian relations between frontier settlers and their Indian neighbors. Ultimately, men like Galphin helped the United States move away from the British policy towards Native Americans in favor of a uniquely American policy which ran the gamut from exploitation to land seizures and finally toward Indian Removal itself. The book involves a look at the histories of the Muskogee Creeks and Cherokees who were his clients and has a heavy Native American component. Galphin’s second major influence on the Southeast came with the creation of the Ulster-Scot communities he sponsored in both South Carolina and Georgia. The relocation plans catered strictly to the Scots-Irish Protestants and located them in “danger zones” between coastal settlements of Anglo-Saxon British settlers and the Indian frontiers of the two colonies.Galphin’s third major influence came during the American Revolution when he was appointed as a Patriot Indian Commissioner fighting to control the southeastern tribes and keep them out of the war. In that role, he made his contribution, as did so many others, that helped secure a Patriot victory. This part of his story would be of note to an audience interested in the American Revolution in the South from the perspective of the backcountry. Finally, his family life included the creation of a large, multi-racial family which helped establish the Creole society of the Eastern Georgia/Western South Carolina. His spouses and children included Caucasians, Native Americans, and African-Americans. Two of Galphin's daughters were his slaves until his death.

The Federal Theatre Project in the American South introduces the people and projects that shaped the regional identity of the Federal Theatre Project. When college theatre director Hallie Flanagan became head of this New Deal era jobs program in 1935, she envisioned a national theatre comprised of a network of theatres across the country. A regional approach was more than organizational; it was a conceptual model for a national art. Flanagan was part of the little theatre movement that had already developed a new American drama drawn from the distinctive heritage of each region and which they believed would, collectively, illustrate a national identity. The Federal Theatre plan relied on a successful regional model – the folk drama program at the University of North Carolina, led by Frederick Koch and Paul Green. Through a unique partnership of public university, private philanthropy and community participation, Koch had developed a successful playwriting program and extension service that built community theatres throughout the state. North Carolina, along with the rest of the Southern region, seemed an unpromising place for government theatre. Racial segregation and conservative politics limited the Federal Theatre’s ability to experiment with new ideas in the region. Yet in North Carolina, the Project thrived. Amateur drama units became vibrant community theatres where whites and African Americans worked together. Project personnel launched The Lost Colony, one of the first so-called outdoor historical dramas that would become its own movement. The Federal Theatre sent unemployed dramatists, including future novelist Betty Smith, to the university to work with Koch and Green. They joined other playwrights, including African American writer Zora Neale Hurston, who came to North Carolina because of their own interest in folk drama. Their experience, told in this book, is a backdrop for each successive generation’s debates over government, cultural expression, art and identity in the American nation.

In Race and Masculinity in Southern Memory Matthew Mace Barbee explores the long history of Richmond, Virginia’s iconic Monument Avenue. As a network of important memorials to Confederate leaders located in the former capitol of the Confederacy, Monument Avenue has long been central to the formation of public memory in Virginia and the U.S. South. It has also been a site of multiple controversies over what, who, and how Richmond’s past should be commemorated. This book traces the evolution of Monument Avenue by analyzing public discussions of its memorials and their meaning. It pays close attention to the origins of Monument Avenue and the first statues erected there, including memorials to Robert E. Lee and Jefferson Davis. Barbee provides a detailed and focused analysis of the evolution of Monument Avenue and public memory in Richmond from 1948 to 1996 through the Civil Rights Movement and the Civil War Centennial, and up to the memorial to Arthur Ashe erected in 1996. An African-American native of Richmond, Ashe was an international tennis champion and advocate for human rights. The story of how a monument to him ended up in a space previously reserved for statues of Confederate leaders helps us understand the ways Richmond has grappled with its past, especially the histories of slavery, Jim Crow, and Civil Rights.

Using slave trials from antebellum Virginia, Christopher H. Bouton offers the first in-depth examination of physical confrontations between slaves and whites. These extraordinary acts of violence brought the ordinary concerns of enslaved Virginians into focus. Enslaved men violently asserted their masculinity, sought to protect themselves and their loved ones from punishment, and carved out their own place within southern honor culture. Enslaved women resisted sexual exploitation and their mistresses. By attacking southern efforts to control their sexuality and labor, bondswomen sought better lives for themselves and undermined white supremacy. Physical confrontations revealed the anxieties that lay at the heart of white antebellum Virginians and threatened the very foundations of the slave regime itself. While physical confrontations could not overthrow the institution of slavery, they helped the enslaved set limits on their owners’ exploitation. They also afforded the enslaved the space necessary to create lives as free from their owners’ influence as possible. When masters and mistresses continually intruded into the lives of their slaves, they risked provoking a violent backlash. Setting Slavery’s Limits explores how slaves of all ages and backgrounds resisted their oppressors and risked everything to fight back.

Using the Atlanta, Birmingham, and Nashville Public Libraries as case studies, The Development of Southern Public Libraries and the African American Quest for Library Access, 1898-1963 argues that public libraries played an integral role in Southern cities’ economic and cultural boosterism efforts during the New South and Progressive Eras. First, Southern public libraries helped institutionalize segregation during the early twentieth century by refusing to serve African Americans, or only to a limited degree. Yet, the Progressive Era’s emphasis on self-improvement and moral uplift influenced Southern public libraries to the extent that not all embraced total segregation. It even caused Southern public libraries to remain open to the idea of slowly expanding library service to African Americans. Later, libraries’ social mission and imperfect commitment to segregation made them prime targets for breaking down the barriers of segregation in the post- World War II era. In this study, Dallas Hanbury concludes that dealing with the complicated and unexpected outcomes of having practiced segregation constituted a difficult and lengthy process for Southern public libraries.

Using the Atlanta, Birmingham, and Nashville Public Libraries as case studies, The Development of Southern Public Libraries and the African American Quest for Library Access, 1898-1963 argues that public libraries played an integral role in Southern cities’ economic and cultural boosterism efforts during the New South and Progressive Eras. First, Southern public libraries helped institutionalize segregation during the early twentieth century by refusing to serve African Americans, or only to a limited degree. Yet, the Progressive Era’s emphasis on self-improvement and moral uplift influenced Southern public libraries to the extent that not all embraced total segregation. It even caused Southern public libraries to remain open to the idea of slowly expanding library service to African Americans. Later, libraries’ social mission and imperfect commitment to segregation made them prime targets for breaking down the barriers of segregation in the post- World War II era. In this study, Dallas Hanbury concludes that dealing with the complicated and unexpected outcomes of having practiced segregation constituted a difficult and lengthy process for Southern public libraries.

Backcountry Slave Trader explores the life of William James Smith, a South Carolina backcountry slave trader, whose entries in his business ledger and his correspondence were of unusual specificity. The authors’ analyze these entries and his correspondence, which they argue provide details about the institutional features of the domestic slave trade not found in earlier published works. The authors examine the attitude of Smith and how he conducted his business, and reveal that the interior slave trade and the characterization of the slave trader are more nuanced than previously thought.

This innovative book examines how African Americans in the South made sense of the devastating loss of life unleashed by the Civil War and emancipation. During and after the war, African Americans died in vast numbers from battle, disease, and racial violence. While freedom was a momentous event for the formerly enslaved, it was also deadly. Through an investigation into how African Americans reacted to and coped with the passing away of loved ones and community members, Ashley Towle argues that freedpeople gave credence to their free status through their experiences with mortality. African Americans harnessed the power of death in a variety of arenas, including within the walls of national and private civilian cemeteries, in applications for widows’ pensions, in the pulpits of black churches, around séance tables, on the witness stand at congressional hearings, and in the columns of African American newspapers. In the process of mourning the demise of kith and kin, black people reconstituted their families, forged communal bonds, and staked claims to citizenship, civil rights, and racial justice from the federal government. In a society upended by civil war and emancipation, death was political.

This study examines the period between 1730 to 1790, which saw the Cherokee people travel the path from a sovereign people allied with the British to a dependent nation signed by treaty to the American Civilization program with US government. The author analyzes how, in between, the Cherokees fought two wars—one with the British military and one with the Continental Army. A group of Cherokee peace and military chiefs navigated the journey for the Cherokees in trying to handle both wars. Ultimately, a break-away group of young Cherokees, led by Dragging Canoe, led his Chickamauga Cherokees away from their traditional leaders and into the battlefield with the Americans. Sadly, all Cherokees paid the price for the actions of these young warriors. The Cherokees survived these ordeals and continue on as a people today just like the rivers that continue to flow through their lands.

This study examines the period between 1730 to 1790, which saw the Cherokee people travel the path from a sovereign people allied with the British to a dependent nation signed by treaty to the American Civilization program with US government. The author analyzes how, in between, the Cherokees fought two wars—one with the British military and one with the Continental Army. A group of Cherokee peace and military chiefs navigated the journey for the Cherokees in trying to handle both wars. Ultimately, a break-away group of young Cherokees, led by Dragging Canoe, led his Chickamauga Cherokees away from their traditional leaders and into the battlefield with the Americans. Sadly, all Cherokees paid the price for the actions of these young warriors. The Cherokees survived these ordeals and continue on as a people today just like the rivers that continue to flow through their lands.

Conservative Americanism: Nativism, Unionism, and Slavery in Border South Politics, 1854-1861 explores the rise of Conservative Americanism—an ideology that linked the worsening sectional crisis of the 1850s to the country's growing immigrant population—among former Whigs in the Border South. Jesse George-Nichol challenges the prevailing wisdom that Unionism, rather than genuine nativism, drove these Southerners to join the nativist Know Nothing or American Party. She argues that Southern nativism and Unionism were inextricably linked, bound by a conviction that foreigners and foreign ideas posed a threat to slavery. Southern moderates understood that immigrants were responsible for the growing political imbalance between the free and slave states, and after the Kansas-Nebraska crisis, they came to believe that foreign radicalism was central to the mounting animus against slavery in the North and West. These Southerners increasingly saw the sectional conflict as one that not only pitted Northerners against Southerners and freedom against slavery, but also as a collision between native American moderation and foreign fanaticism. This perception continued to motivate Southern Know Nothings through the election of 1860, the secession crisis, and beyond. This book sheds new light on the relationships between conservatism, nativism, Unionism, and slavery in Border South politics before the Civil War. George-Nichol thus argues that understanding Southern nativism is essential to understanding Southern Unionism in the Civil War-era.

This biography examines the political journey of James McDowell, a Democratic governor from western Virginia during the Jacksonian Era. The journey was shaped by the crosscurrents of a national debate over slavery, democratic advances, and the Jackson’s controversial agenda.A progressive, he joined the state’s House of Delegates in 1833, pushing for the end of slavery in the Commonwealth, economic improvements, and a system of public education. Called an abolitionist, he ended his anti-slavery campaign, enlarged his plantation holdings, and climbed the political ladder. In 1843, he became governor and congressman until his death in 1851.The author covers regional and national issues, the multiple burdens of his wife, Susan, who was left alone with her children at home, and other personal crises. An intellectual, noted orator, and diligent party activist, McDowell often opposed the status quo and was an important moderate voice who defended the Constitution at a time of severe sectional divide.

Suzanne Krebsbach provides a history of the first five bishops of Charleston and how they handled slavery and ministry to majority African American communities after emancipation. She examines John England, Patrick Lynch, Ignatius Reynolds, Williams Russell, and Henry P. Northurp’s contributions to Catholicism in Charleston. The volume begins with close analysis of baptismal records, diocesan archives, and published Catholic directories to examine clashes between Irish Republicans and French refugees in the 1800s and how this impacted the church at the time. Then Krebsbach untangles the complex race relations of the Catholic church from Lynch’s defense of slavery to Northurp’s efforts to minister to the African American community, and from efforts by Black Catholics to acquire autonomy in the Black Catholic congregations of St. James and St. Peter parishes to the actions of the Josephites during segregation. The book provides a detailed account of Catholic history in Charleston.

This interdisciplinary investigation argues that since the 1990s, discourses about mixed-race heritage in the United States have taken the shape of a veritable literary genre, here termed “memoir of the search.” The study uses four different texts to explore this non-fictional genre, including Edward Ball's Slaves in the Family and Shirlee Taylor Haizlip's The Sweeter the Juice. All feature a protagonist using methods from archival investigation to DNA-testing to explore an intergenerational family secret; photographs and family trees; and the trip to the American South, which is identified as the site of the secret’s origin and of the family’s past. As a genre, these texts negotiate the memory of slavery and segregation in the present.In taking up central narratives of Americanness, such as the American Dream and the Immigrant story, as well as discourses generating the American family, the texts help inscribe themselves and the mixed-race heritage they address into the American mainstream. In its outlook, this book highlights the importance of the memoirs’ negotiations of the past when finding ways to remember after the last witnesses have passed away. and contributes to the discussion over political justice and reparations for slavery.