Perspectives in Social Psychology – serie

Early in this century, most empirically oriented psychologists believed that all motivation was based in the physiology of a set of non-nervous­ system tissue needs. The theories of that era reflected this belief and used it in an attempt to explain an increasing number of phenomena. It was not until the 1950s that it became irrefutably clear that much of human motivation is based not in these drives, but rather in a set of innate psychological needs. Their physiological basis is less understood; and as concepts, these needs lend themselves more easily to psycho­ logical than to physiological theorizing. The convergence of evidence from a variety of scholarly efforts suggests that there are three such needs: self-determination, competence, and interpersonal relatedness. This book is primarily about self-determination and competence (with particular emphasis on the former), and about the processes and structures that relate to these needs. The need for interpersonal relat­ edness, while no less important, remains to be explored, and the findings from those explorations will need to be integrated with the present theory to develop a broad, organismic theory of human motivation. Thus far, we have articulated self-determination theory, which is offered as a working theory-a theory in the making. To stimulate the research that will allow it to evolve further, we have stated self-determination theory in the form of minitheories that relate to more circumscribed domains, and we have developed paradigms for testing predictions from the various minitheories.

The chapters presented here provide the reader with an awareness of the divergent views of what constitutes racism and frameworks for reducing it. This book points out that the dialogue and research on this subject since the mid-1970s have yielded increased contro­ versy over the theories, foundation, and continued existence of racism. Ironically, what we viewed in the 1954Brown decision and the Civil Rights Act of 1964as the beginning of the end of racism turned out to be the beginning of confusion over the course of action to ensure societal acceptance of political mandates. Hence, the title of this book captures the essence of the emotional core of any forum for examining racism, past and present. One of the most controversial forums has been that ofeducation, beginning with the D.S. Supreme Court's 1954ruling in Brown v. Board oi Education. Behind every event that has spawned controversy is a profile in courage. It was not a simple decision for the players in the scenario of the Brown v. Board oi Education case to step forward and present themselves as evidence of discrimination. Blackparents supported by black organizations viewed this legal action as a chance for equal opportunity. Yet, the 1950s were a time when black communities were pained by the thought that bigotry and institutional racism would forever stand in the way of their achieving equality.

Decisions about self-disclosure-whether to reveal one's thoughts, feel­ ings, or past experiences to another person, or the level of intimacy of such disclosure-are part of the everyday life of most persons. The nature of the decisions that a person makes will have an impact on his or her life. They will determine the kinds of relationships the person has with others; how others perceive him or her; and the degree of self­ knowledge and awareness that the person possesses. The study of self-disclosure has interested specialists from many disciplines, including personality and social psychologists, clinical and counseling psychologists, and communications researchers. Our book brings together the work of experts from these various disciplines with the hope that knowledge about work being done on self-disclosure in related disciplines will be increased. A strong emphasis in each of the chapters is theory development and the integration of ideas about self-disclosure. The book's chapters explore three major areas, including the interrelationship of self-disclosure and personality as well as the role of self-disclosure in the development, maintenance, and deterioration of personal relationships, and the con­ tribution of self-disclosure to psychotherapy, marital therapy, and counseling.

Whatever your reasons, kind reader, for reading these words,-what­ ever your premises about forewords, whatever the epistemic motivation with which you approach them-Iet me urge you to turn immediately to Kruglanski's first chapter and skim it. If any enthusiasm for sodal psy­ chology flows in your veins, you will certainly proceed then to read further in this important book. It represents some dozen years of Arie's thought and of his and his colleagues' research. Its intellectual scope covers 50 years of sodal psychology-from attitudes and attitude change, to balance, disso­ nance, and the various other cognitive consistency theories, to causal attribution, and to current cognitive sodal psychology. Sodal psycholo­ gists have recently begun to leave the fireside coziness of scribbling textbook catalogues of our field and to venture out into the cold, outdoor adventure of detecting (or creating?) its underlying structure. Of these attempts at providing scope plus order, Kruglanski's must surely be the most ambitious. For his is no mere overarching theory, which, like a circus tent over a diverse set of sideshows, covers everything but does little to provide thematic structure. Rather, Kruglanski tries to produce a basic reorganization of our thinking about sodal psychology. To use his LEGO blocks metaphor for the modification of knowledge structures, he attempts to dismantle the current assembly of elements of our field and reassemble them into a simpler and more coherent configuration.

The origins of this book probably go back to Gordon Allport's seminar in social psychology at Harvard during the late 1940s and to the invitation from Gardner Lindzey, some years later, to contribute a section on "Sympathy and Empathy" to the International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (1968). Since those early beginnings, the book has been "in the process of becoming. " During that time I have benefited greatly from the knowledge and assistance of many colleagues, especially the following, who read and commented upon portions of the manuscript: Raymond Gastil, the late Joseph Katz, David McClelland, Jitendra Mohanty, Paul Mussen, Richard Solomon, and Bernard Weiner. To Kenneth Merrill for a close reading of the Hume material and to M. Brewster Smith for a careful reading of and suggestions on Chapters 7 and 8, I am especially indebted. Beverly Joyce withstood constant interruptions to provide much-needed library assistance, and Vivian Wheeler gave generously of her excellent editorial experience and knowledge. A fellowship at the Battelle Research Center in Seattle and an appointment as a visiting scholar at Harvard were of incalculable help, providing opportunity, stimulation, and freedom from teaching responsibilities. To all of the above I am deeply indebted. Just a few words about the organization of this book.

This revised edition includes new chapters on the development of aggression, biological bases of aggressive behavior, and aggression in natural settings; and extensive updates of the theory and research covered in the first edition.

This revised edition includes new chapters on the development of aggression, biological bases of aggressive behavior, and aggression in natural settings; and extensive updates of the theory and research covered in the first edition.

The origins of this book probably go back to Gordon Allport's seminar in social psychology at Harvard during the late 1940s and to the invitation from Gardner Lindzey, some years later, to contribute a section on "Sympathy and Empathy" to the International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (1968). Since those early beginnings, the book has been "in the process of becoming. " During that time I have benefited greatly from the knowledge and assistance of many colleagues, especially the following, who read and commented upon portions of the manuscript: Raymond Gastil, the late Joseph Katz, David McClelland, Jitendra Mohanty, Paul Mussen, Richard Solomon, and Bernard Weiner. To Kenneth Merrill for a close reading of the Hume material and to M. Brewster Smith for a careful reading of and suggestions on Chapters 7 and 8, I am especially indebted. Beverly Joyce withstood constant interruptions to provide much-needed library assistance, and Vivian Wheeler gave generously of her excellent editorial experience and knowledge. A fellowship at the Battelle Research Center in Seattle and an appointment as a visiting scholar at Harvard were of incalculable help, providing opportunity, stimulation, and freedom from teaching responsibilities. To all of the above I am deeply indebted. Just a few words about the organization of this book.

For almost a century now, since Freud described the basic motivations and Pavlov the basic mechanisms of human behavior, we have had a reasonable concept of the forces that drive us. Only recently have we gained any real insight into how the brain really works to produce such behavior. The new developments in cognitive psychology and neuroscience have taught us things about the function of the brain that would have been inconceivable even ten years ago. Yet, there still remains a tremendous gap between the two studies-human behavior and brain function-a gap which often seems irrec­ oncilable in view of the basic differences in the methodologies and approaches of the two fields. Students of behavior are frequently disinterested in the underlying neu­ rophysiology while neurophysiologists tend to consider the concepts of psychiatrists and clinical psychologists too vague and theoretical to be applicable to their own more limited schemata. Several valiant attempts have been made by experimentalists to develop a theoretical context in which behavior is described, not separately from brain function but rather as its direct outgrowth. This present work is still another attempt to develop a theoretical system which, given the limitations of our present knowledge, as completely as possible, the underlying brain mechanisms that influ­ will describe ence and determine human behavior. The main emphasis of this work, however, will be not on normal behavior but rather on more neurotic manifestations.

HAROLD B. GERARD AND NORMAN MILLER In the fall of 1965, when the school board of the Riverside Unified School District made its momentous decision to desegregate the ele­ mentary schools in Riverside, both of us were faculty members in the psychology department on the Riverside campus of the University of California. The riots in Watts had occurred the previous August and the shock waves were being felt around the cou~try. Although the black population of Riverside at the time was only 6% or 7%, people were ap­ prehensive. A story appeared in the local paper, The Rzverside Press Enterprzse, about several Blacks who were watching the burning and looting in Watts on TV. One of them, excited by what he saw, ex­ claimed, "Man-let's burn here, too. " The others in the bar were more level-headed and fortunately dissuaded him from following his impulse. Barely two weeks later, however, someone set fire to one of the build­ ings of Lowell School, in the eastside ghetto area. Nothing was left of the building but a charred shell. People in Riverside, of all ethnic groups, were generally edgy in the face of a seemingly volatile situation. Agitation by minority parents for improved education for their children seemed to be reinforced by the general unrest.

As I begin to write this Preface, I feel a rush of excitement. I have now finished the book; my gestalt is coming into completion. Throughout the months that I have been writing this, I have, indeed, been intrinsically motivated. Now that it is finished I feel quite competent and self-determining (see Chapter 2). Whether or not those who read the book will perceive me that way is also a concern of mine (an extrinsic one), but it is a wholly separate issue from the intrinsic rewards I have been experiencing. This book presents a theoretical perspective. It reviews an enormous amount of research which establishes unequivocally that intrinsic motivation exists. Also considered herein are various approaches to the conceptualizing of intrinsic motivation. The book concentrates on the approach which has developed out of the work of Robert White (1959), namely, that intrinsically motivated behaviors are ones which a person engages in so that he may feel competent and self-determining in relation to his environment. The book then considers the development of intrinsic motiva­ tion, how behaviors are motivated intrinsically, how they relate to and how intrinsic motivation is extrinsically motivated behaviors, affected by extrinsic rewards and controls. It also considers how changes in intrinsic motivation relate to changes in attitudes, how people attribute motivation to each other, how the attribution process is motivated, and how the process of perceiving motivation (and other internal states) in oneself relates to perceiving them in others.

also many newer lines of research, to which I will return below, are represented in various chapters. And finally, I have included a sepa­ rate unit on methods for the study of aggression-a feature that I believe to be unique to the present volume. In these ways, I have at­ tempted to produce a text that is as broad and eclectic in coverage as I could make it. While the present volume grew, in part, out of my desire to pro­ duce what I thought might prove to be a useful teaching aid, it also developed out of a second major motive. During the past few years, a large number of new-and to me, exciting-lines of investigation have emerged in rapid order. These have been extremely varied in scope, including, among many others, such diverse topics as the effects of sexual arousal upon aggression, the impact of environmental factors (e. g. , heat, noise, crowding) upon such behavior, interracial aggres­ sion, and the influence of heightened self-awareness. Despite the fact that such topics have already generated a considerable amount of re­ search, they were not, to my knowledge, adequately represented irt any existing volume. Given this state of affairs, it seemed to me that a reasonably comprehensive summary of this newer work might prove both useful and timely.

My Red Shirt and Me The red shirt incident begins with a rather ordinary red shirt. Not a brightly colored red shirt, not a dramatic cherry or firehouse red, more like a faded burgundy. But, for several days, my very iden­ tity was bound up in its redness. It was me, and I wore it with the pride a matador takes in his splendid cape, a hero in his medals of bravery, or a nun in her religious habit. I'll never forget the bound­ less joy I felt wearing that simple, pullover, short-sleeved red shirt in the hospital--or the rush of relief that I experienced when, at last, I decided to surrender it. However, we are getting ahead of our story, which starts a short time earlier with a most unfortunate accident. A light flurry of wet snow had begun to fall as the university limousine turned the corner on its way from the Bronx campus of New York University to the downtown campus. Although eight of us were packed into the car and had resigned ourselves to the usual boring faculty meeting awaiting us, somehow a spontaneous air of joviality was created.

Nonverbal behavior is most commonly discussed in terms of its sep- arate channels or modalities, that is, one chapter on distance, another on gaze, a third on facial expression, and so forth. Representative of this approach are a text by Knapp (1978), Harper, Wiens, and Ma- tarazzo's (1978) scholarly review, Weitz's (1979) book of readings, and Siegman and Feldstein's (1978) edited volume of chapters by prom- inent researchers. This book examines nonverbal behavior from a different per- spective. It is organized around those dominant themes in social psy- chology which have particular relevance for nonverbal behavior. Ob- viously, not all of the major topics in social psychology are represented here, but many receive some coverage in one or more of the chapters. The following areas are those having broad chapter coverage: (1) research approaches, (2) attraction, (3) social influence, (4) social reg- ulation, (5) emotions, (6) individual and group differences, and (7) theoretical and applied issues.

The topic of stigma came to the attention of modern-day behav­ ioral science in 1963 through Erving Goffman's book with the engaging title, Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity. Following its publication, scholars in such fields as an­ thropology, clinical psychology, social psychology, sociology, and history began to study the important role of stigma in human interaction. Beginning in the early 1960s and continuing to the present day, a body of research literature has emerged to extend, elaborate, and qualify Goffman's original ideas. The essays pre­ sented in this volume are the outgrowth of these developments and represent an attempt to add impetus to theory and research in this area. Much of the stigma research that has been conducted since 1963 has sought to test one or another of Goffman's notions about the effects of stigma on social interactions and the self. Social and clinical psychologists have tried to experimentally create a number of the effects that Goffman asserted stigmas have on ordinary social interactions, and sociologists have looked for eVidence of the same in survey and observational studies of stig­ matized people in situations of everyday life. By 1980, a consider­ able body of empirical evidence had been amassed about social stigmas and the devastating effects they can have on social interactions.

Physical attractiveness phenomena permeate society with somber ramifica­ tions. Correspondingly, practical applications of physical attractiveness phenomena are extensive. The consequence is that almost every person can benefit from knowledge about research on physical attractiveness. Such research material provides valuable information for persons established in their careers, as well as those preparing for a career. Similarly, parents at all stages of their life cycle should be cognizant of how physical attractiveness impacts the psychological and physiological development of children. Because no one is isolated from physical attractiveness phenomena, knowledge of this material should be imperative for everyone. This book consolidates research that specifically addresses physical attractiveness. The first summary was a classic review presented over 10 years ago (Berscheid & Walster, 1974). Since then the research literature has continued to grow, but no comprehensive review has again been published. Even though research summaries have been presented in a compilation of psychological abstracts (Cash, 1980), and in a discussion of stereotyping literature (Adams, 1982), the study of physical attractiveness phenomena is due for a comprehensive account and an analysis of the extensive, divergent research.

The chapters presented here provide the reader with an awareness of the divergent views of what constitutes racism and frameworks for reducing it. This book points out that the dialogue and research on this subject since the mid-1970s have yielded increased contro­ versy over the theories, foundation, and continued existence of racism. Ironically, what we viewed in the 1954Brown decision and the Civil Rights Act of 1964as the beginning of the end of racism turned out to be the beginning of confusion over the course of action to ensure societal acceptance of political mandates. Hence, the title of this book captures the essence of the emotional core of any forum for examining racism, past and present. One of the most controversial forums has been that ofeducation, beginning with the D.S. Supreme Court's 1954ruling in Brown v. Board oi Education. Behind every event that has spawned controversy is a profile in courage. It was not a simple decision for the players in the scenario of the Brown v. Board oi Education case to step forward and present themselves as evidence of discrimination. Blackparents supported by black organizations viewed this legal action as a chance for equal opportunity. Yet, the 1950s were a time when black communities were pained by the thought that bigotry and institutional racism would forever stand in the way of their achieving equality.

Whatever your reasons, kind reader, for reading these words,-what­ ever your premises about forewords, whatever the epistemic motivation with which you approach them-Iet me urge you to turn immediately to Kruglanski's first chapter and skim it. If any enthusiasm for sodal psy­ chology flows in your veins, you will certainly proceed then to read further in this important book. It represents some dozen years of Arie's thought and of his and his colleagues' research. Its intellectual scope covers 50 years of sodal psychology-from attitudes and attitude change, to balance, disso­ nance, and the various other cognitive consistency theories, to causal attribution, and to current cognitive sodal psychology. Sodal psycholo­ gists have recently begun to leave the fireside coziness of scribbling textbook catalogues of our field and to venture out into the cold, outdoor adventure of detecting (or creating?) its underlying structure. Of these attempts at providing scope plus order, Kruglanski's must surely be the most ambitious. For his is no mere overarching theory, which, like a circus tent over a diverse set of sideshows, covers everything but does little to provide thematic structure. Rather, Kruglanski tries to produce a basic reorganization of our thinking about sodal psychology. To use his LEGO blocks metaphor for the modification of knowledge structures, he attempts to dismantle the current assembly of elements of our field and reassemble them into a simpler and more coherent configuration.

Early in this century, most empirically oriented psychologists believed that all motivation was based in the physiology of a set of non-nervous­ system tissue needs. The theories of that era reflected this belief and used it in an attempt to explain an increasing number of phenomena. It was not until the 1950s that it became irrefutably clear that much of human motivation is based not in these drives, but rather in a set of innate psychological needs. Their physiological basis is less understood; and as concepts, these needs lend themselves more easily to psycho­ logical than to physiological theorizing. The convergence of evidence from a variety of scholarly efforts suggests that there are three such needs: self-determination, competence, and interpersonal relatedness. This book is primarily about self-determination and competence (with particular emphasis on the former), and about the processes and structures that relate to these needs. The need for interpersonal relat­ edness, while no less important, remains to be explored, and the findings from those explorations will need to be integrated with the present theory to develop a broad, organismic theory of human motivation. Thus far, we have articulated self-determination theory, which is offered as a working theory-a theory in the making. To stimulate the research that will allow it to evolve further, we have stated self-determination theory in the form of minitheories that relate to more circumscribed domains, and we have developed paradigms for testing predictions from the various minitheories.