Philosophy and Politics - Critical Explorations - Böcker

Liberalism in Russia is one of the most complex, multifaced and, indeed, controversial phenomena in the history of political thought. Values and practices traditionally associated with Western liberalism—such as individual freedom, property rights, or the rule of law—have often emerged ambiguously in the Russian historical experience through different dimensions and combinations. Economic and political liberalism have often appeared disjointed, and liberal projects have been shaped by local circumstances, evolved in response to secular challenges and developed within often rapidly-changing institutional and international settings. This third volume of the Reset DOC “Russia Workshop” collects a selection of the Dimensions and Challenges of Russian Liberalism conference proceedings, providing a broad set of insights into the Russian liberal experience through a dialogue between past and present, and intellectual and empirical contextualization, involving historians, jurists, political scientists and theorists. The first part focuses on the Imperial period, analyzing the political philosophy and peculiarities of pre-revolutionary Russian liberalism, its relations with the rule of law (Pravovoe Gosudarstvo), and its institutionalization within the Constitutional Democratic Party (Kadets). The second part focuses on Soviet times, when liberal undercurrents emerged under the surface of the official Marxist-Leninist ideology. After Stalin’s death, the “thaw intelligentsia” of Soviet dissidents and human rights defenders represented a new liberal dimension in late Soviet history, while the reforms of Gorbachev’s “New Thinking” became a substitute for liberalism in the final decade of the USSR. The third part focuses on the “time of troubles” under the Yeltsin presidency, and assesses the impact of liberal values and ethics, the bureaucratic difficulties in adapting to change, and the paradoxes of liberal reforms during the transition topost-Soviet Russia. Despite Russian liberals having begun to draw lessons from previous failures, their project was severely challenged by the rise of Vladimir Putin. Hence, the fourth part focuses on the 2000s, when the liberal alternative in Russian politics confronted the ascendance of Putin, surviving in parts of Russian culture and in the mindset of technocrats and “system liberals”. Today, however, the Russian liberal project faces the limits of reform cycles of public administration, suffers from a lack of federalist attitude in politics and is externally challenged from an illiberal world order. All this asks us to consider: what is the likelihood of a “reboot” of Russian liberalism?

Whistleblowing is the public disclosure of information with the purpose of revealing wrongdoings and abuses of power that harm the public interest.

Social pathologies are social processes that hinder how individuals exercise their autonomy and freedom. In this book, Gustavo Pereira offers an account of such phenomena by defining them as a cognitive failure that affects the practical imagination, thus negatively interfering with our practical life. This failure of the imagination is the consequence of the imposition of a type of practical rationality on a practical context alien to it, caused by a non‑conscious transformation of the individuals’ set of beliefs and values. The research undertaken provides an innovative explanation in terms of microfoundations based on the mechanism of “availability heuristic”, by which the diminished exercise of the imagination turns the intuitively available or prevailing rationality into the one that regulates behaviour in inappropriate contexts. Additionally, this incorrect regulation results in a progressive distortion of the shared sense of the affected practical contexts, which becomes institutionalized. Consumerism, bureaucratism, moralism, juridification, some forms of corruption and the particular Latin American case of “malinchism” can be interpreted as social pathologies insofar as they imply such distortion. This way of conceptualizing social pathologies integrates the traditional sociological macro‑explanation manifested through the negative consequences of the processes of social rationalization with a micro‑explanation articulated around the findings of cognitive psychology such as availability heuristic. Understanding social pathologies as a cognitive failure allows us to identify the introduction of normative friction as the main way to counteract their effects. One of the potential effects of normative friction, as a specific form of cognitive dissonance, is the intense exercise of the imagination, thus operating as a condition of possibility for the exercise of autonomy and reflection. Democratic ethical life, understood as a shared democraticculture, as well as social institutions and narratives, are the privileged social spaces and means to trigger reflective processes that can counteract social pathologies through a reflective reappropriation of the meaning of the shared practical context.An extraordinary contribution by a Critical Theorist to the return of the concept of imagination today. It takes up the challenge once taken by Kant to think about imagination as the pivotal activity not only of knowledge and experience, but above all, for action. The author claims that imagination makes criticism possible (pathologies) and it allows us to envision alternative views into the path for social transformation. Without imagination nothing is possible.María Pía Lara, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana-Iztapalapa, Mexico

Social pathologies are social processes that hinder how individuals exercise their autonomy and freedom. In this book, Gustavo Pereira offers an account of such phenomena by defining them as a cognitive failure that affects the practical imagination, thus negatively interfering with our practical life. This failure of the imagination is the consequence of the imposition of a type of practical rationality on a practical context alien to it, caused by a non‑conscious transformation of the individuals’ set of beliefs and values. The research undertaken provides an innovative explanation in terms of microfoundations based on the mechanism of “availability heuristic”, by which the diminished exercise of the imagination turns the intuitively available or prevailing rationality into the one that regulates behaviour in inappropriate contexts. Additionally, this incorrect regulation results in a progressive distortion of the shared sense of the affected practical contexts, which becomes institutionalized. Consumerism, bureaucratism, moralism, juridification, some forms of corruption and the particular Latin American case of “malinchism” can be interpreted as social pathologies insofar as they imply such distortion. This way of conceptualizing social pathologies integrates the traditional sociological macro‑explanation manifested through the negative consequences of the processes of social rationalization with a micro‑explanation articulated around the findings of cognitive psychology such as availability heuristic. Understanding social pathologies as a cognitive failure allows us to identify the introduction of normative friction as the main way to counteract their effects. One of the potential effects of normative friction, as a specific form of cognitive dissonance, is the intense exercise of the imagination, thus operating as a condition of possibility for the exercise of autonomy and reflection. Democratic ethical life, understood as a shared democraticculture, as well as social institutions and narratives, are the privileged social spaces and means to trigger reflective processes that can counteract social pathologies through a reflective reappropriation of the meaning of the shared practical context.An extraordinary contribution by a Critical Theorist to the return of the concept of imagination today. It takes up the challenge once taken by Kant to think about imagination as the pivotal activity not only of knowledge and experience, but above all, for action. The author claims that imagination makes criticism possible (pathologies) and it allows us to envision alternative views into the path for social transformation. Without imagination nothing is possible.María Pía Lara, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana-Iztapalapa, Mexico

This volume assembles renowned scholars to address, for the first time, the relationship between minorities and populism in South Asia and Europe from a critical perspective.

This volume assembles renowned scholars to address, for the first time, the relationship between minorities and populism in South Asia and Europe from a critical perspective.

In scholarly terms, he evaluates the benefits and drawbacks of theological-political renovation, neo-reformism, legal reformism, mystical reformism, radical criticism, comprehensive history and new approaches within the study of Islam.

In scholarly terms, he evaluates the benefits and drawbacks of theological-political renovation, neo-reformism, legal reformism, mystical reformism, radical criticism, comprehensive history and new approaches within the study of Islam.

This book contributes to both the internal debate in liberalism and the application of political liberalism to the process of democratization in East Asia.

This book contributes to both the internal debate in liberalism and the application of political liberalism to the process of democratization in East Asia.

This book provides a comprehensive account of the phenomenon of identity in politics, featuring for the first time the question of individual emancipation.

This book provides a comprehensive account of the phenomenon of identity in politics, featuring for the first time the question of individual emancipation.

How can we justify democracy’s trust in the political judgments of ordinary people? In Knowing Democracy, Michael Räber situates this question between two dominant alternative paradigms of thinking about the reflective qualities of democratic life: on the one hand, recent epistemic theories of democracy, which are based on the assumption that political participation promotes truth, and, on the other hand, theories of political judgment that are indebted to Hannah Arendt’s aesthetic conception of political judgment. By foregrounding the concept of political judgment in democracies, the book shows that a democratic theory of political judgments based on John Dewey’s pragmatism can navigate the shortcomings of both these paradigms. While epistemic theories are overly and narrowly rationalistic and Arendtian theories are overly aesthetic, the neo-Deweyan conception of political judgment proposed in this book suggests a third path that combines the rationalist and the aesthetic elements of political conduct in a way that goes beyond a merely epistemic or a merely aesthetic conception of political judgment in democracy. The justification for democracy’s trust in ordinary people’s political judgments, Räber argues, resides in an egalitarian conception of democratic inquiry that blends the epistemic and the aesthetic aspects of the making of political judgments.By offering a rigorous scholarly analysis of the epistemic and aesthetic foundations of democracy from a pragmatist perspective, Knowing Democracy contributes to the current debates in political epistemology and aesthetics and politics, both of which ask about the appropriate reflective and experiential circumstances of democratic politics. The book brings together for the first time debates on epistemic democracy, aesthetic judgment and those on pragmatist social epistemology, and establishes an original pragmatist conception of epistemic democracy.

How can we justify democracy’s trust in the political judgments of ordinary people? In Knowing Democracy, Michael Räber situates this question between two dominant alternative paradigms of thinking about the reflective qualities of democratic life: on the one hand, recent epistemic theories of democracy, which are based on the assumption that political participation promotes truth, and, on the other hand, theories of political judgment that are indebted to Hannah Arendt’s aesthetic conception of political judgment. By foregrounding the concept of political judgment in democracies, the book shows that a democratic theory of political judgments based on John Dewey’s pragmatism can navigate the shortcomings of both these paradigms. While epistemic theories are overly and narrowly rationalistic and Arendtian theories are overly aesthetic, the neo-Deweyan conception of political judgment proposed in this book suggests a third path that combines the rationalist and the aesthetic elements of political conduct in a way that goes beyond a merely epistemic or a merely aesthetic conception of political judgment in democracy. The justification for democracy’s trust in ordinary people’s political judgments, Räber argues, resides in an egalitarian conception of democratic inquiry that blends the epistemic and the aesthetic aspects of the making of political judgments.By offering a rigorous scholarly analysis of the epistemic and aesthetic foundations of democracy from a pragmatist perspective, Knowing Democracy contributes to the current debates in political epistemology and aesthetics and politics, both of which ask about the appropriate reflective and experiential circumstances of democratic politics. The book brings together for the first time debates on epistemic democracy, aesthetic judgment and those on pragmatist social epistemology, and establishes an original pragmatist conception of epistemic democracy.

The book provides the historical setting of Turkey related to the development of democracy, human rights issues, the treatment of cultural and ethnic minorities, and the short- and long-term consequences of the crackdown including impacts on individuals, institutions like education and the media, the criminal justice system, the economy, and Turkey’s standing in the international community. Since the foundation of the Republic of Turkey, the military and the media have been the main traditional powers of oppressive, secularist, and nationalist regimes in the country. After a period of initial reforms, rather than eliminating the structures of the authoritarian state, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan seized the levers of power and used them aggressively against his political enemies. He turned Turkey into a one-man regime after the failed coup attempt on July 15, 2016, and his actions included the widespread violation of human rights.This book tells the tale of the consequencesof the measures taken after the failed coup attempt that have adversely impacted the development of democracy and human rights in Turkey, altering the nation’s course of history. Beginning with a State of Emergency that was declared in July of 2016, Turkey has moved to a more authoritarian state. Among the consequences of the actions taken have been imprisonment of hundreds of thousands, the shuttering of media, the dismissal of public employees, the dismissal of academics, jailed elected Kurdish politicians, and the misuse of the criminal justice to victimize the population. Adverse effects have included widespread violations of human rights, torture, and mistreatment of prisoners, false imprisonment, and the absence of the right to a fair trial. This book examines some of the thorniest questions of Turkish democratization and human rights, including the underlying reasons for the decay of democracy and what has happened as a result of this decay. Among these is a deterioration of the educational system, a reduction in economic stability, the absence of the rule of law and due process, a radical transformation of the country, and violations of universal human rights.Endorsements:As one who knows people who have been victimized by the authoritarian regime in Turkey, “Human Rights in Turkey” provides unique insights and perspectives on the changes that have befallen his wonderful country.  It is truly insightful.David L. Carter, Ph.D., Michigan State UniversityHuman Rights in Turkey: Assaults on Human Dignity fills a major gap in contemporary political scholarship. Its elucidation of Turkey’s democratic backsliding into a one-man authoritarian regime is insightful and unique. Absolutely required reading for anyone who cares about this beautiful country, its wonderful people, and its uncertain future.Kati Piri, Member of the European Parliament and Delegation to the EU-Turkey Joint Parliamentary CommitteeAydin’s and Langley’s book addresses critical issues in a critical case. Turkey had been regarded as a rising democracy in a troubled region, but in recent years the country has experienced troubling signs of democratic erosion. Central to that decline is the precarious status of basic human rights of expression, association, religion, and due process. This book explores what has happened and how it affects individuals and the Turkish polity more broadly.John M. Carey, Ph.D.. Wentworth Professor in the Social Sciences, Dartmouth College, NH, USATurkey was once a poster-boy of the league of modernizing countries – a staunch ally of the West, an almost-democracy that would become better soon enough. It might even be the first Muslim country to join the European Union. That image now lies shattered under the erratic one-man-showof Tayyip Erdoğan. The police state reigns supreme, opposition is cowed, the courts are in shambles, and more journalists are jailed for their opinions than in any other country.How did it all come to this pass? This collection of essays examines the visible and obscure causes of the catclysmic events that have transformed Turkey. They question the long-established state of semi-freedom under secular rule, as well as the “Islamic” challenges that have arisen since Erdoğan’s rise to power.Sevan Nisanyan, Historian, Linguist, and Political Refugee, GreeceSituated right at the border between East and West, Turkey and its volatile political development continues to attract attention from people interested in the prospect for democracy. This book offers an impressive and thorough account of the recent democratic backsliding and reveals that not only the hope for a consolidation of liberal democracy but also large sections of the population are victims of rising authoritarianism.  Jacob Torfing, PhD., Professor in Politics and Institutions, Roskilde University, DenmarkA fascinating book detailing the rapid deterioration of human rights in Turkey, involving false imprisonment, job dismissals, media restrictions, and due process violations. A careful examination of the swift decline of democracy, transforming a prospering country into one where economic, educational, and social stability, and the operation of the justice system were impacted by a government declaration of a State of Emergency. A comprehensive analysis of the ways in which a society changes when human rights are not enforced in accord with the principles of due process and the rule of law.Jay Albanese, PhD., Virginia Commonwealth University, Wilder School of Government & Public AffairsAs a human rights activist and a victim of severe human rights violations in Turkey, I recognize the value of the chapters, as they provide a thorough examination and analysis of subjects regarding Human rights violations in Turkey. The book comprehensively chronicles the events pertaining to the steady rise of political authoritarianism. The relevancy of the issues addressed in each chapter make the book important in regard to the emerging civil society movement in Turkey. Furthermore, the descriptions of the severe decline of human rights and the democratic backsliding towards authoritarianism and facism during the last decade in Turkey, highlights the significance of the book.Haluk Savas, PhD., Professor of Psychiatry, Psychotherapist And Editor in Chief of KHK TV (Voice of Rights), TurkeyHuman rights violations are a world-wide phenomenon, occurring in various capacities and to varying degrees in each country. However, unique to Turkey, is the rapid increase in violations that are not the result of deeply rooted social practices, but rather are contingent upon political decisions. Therefore, the cases of these violations are worthy of study.Hercules Millas, PhD., Political Scientist, GreeceWe are living in a “Geography of Genocide.”Historically, Unionists (committtee of union and progress) who committed the 1915 Armenian Genocide, established the Republic of Turkey. As a result, a distorted history and official ideology for the state was established. Furthermore, “redlines” in the country, such as the Kurdish Question, the Armenian Genocide, and the Cyprus Issue, were fabricated. Until today, the Turkish Republic remains in denial of the problems that have caused major human rights violations. This book chronicles a very important reality that evaluates the “core state structure” in Turkey, which remains intact even though rulers have changed, through human rights violations.Eren Keskin, Lawyer and Human Right Activist, The Vice-president of the Human Rights Association, Turkey

The book provides the historical setting of Turkey related to the development of democracy, human rights issues, the treatment of cultural and ethnic minorities, and the short- and long-term consequences of the crackdown including impacts on individuals, institutions like education and the media, the criminal justice system, the economy, and Turkey’s standing in the international community. Since the foundation of the Republic of Turkey, the military and the media have been the main traditional powers of oppressive, secularist, and nationalist regimes in the country. After a period of initial reforms, rather than eliminating the structures of the authoritarian state, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan seized the levers of power and used them aggressively against his political enemies. He turned Turkey into a one-man regime after the failed coup attempt on July 15, 2016, and his actions included the widespread violation of human rights.This book tells the tale of the consequencesof the measures taken after the failed coup attempt that have adversely impacted the development of democracy and human rights in Turkey, altering the nation’s course of history. Beginning with a State of Emergency that was declared in July of 2016, Turkey has moved to a more authoritarian state. Among the consequences of the actions taken have been imprisonment of hundreds of thousands, the shuttering of media, the dismissal of public employees, the dismissal of academics, jailed elected Kurdish politicians, and the misuse of the criminal justice to victimize the population. Adverse effects have included widespread violations of human rights, torture, and mistreatment of prisoners, false imprisonment, and the absence of the right to a fair trial. This book examines some of the thorniest questions of Turkish democratization and human rights, including the underlying reasons for the decay of democracy and what has happened as a result of this decay. Among these is a deterioration of the educational system, a reduction in economic stability, the absence of the rule of law and due process, a radical transformation of the country, and violations of universal human rights.Endorsements:As one who knows people who have been victimized by the authoritarian regime in Turkey, “Human Rights in Turkey” provides unique insights and perspectives on the changes that have befallen his wonderful country.  It is truly insightful.David L. Carter, Ph.D., Michigan State UniversityHuman Rights in Turkey: Assaults on Human Dignity fills a major gap in contemporary political scholarship. Its elucidation of Turkey’s democratic backsliding into a one-man authoritarian regime is insightful and unique. Absolutely required reading for anyone who cares about this beautiful country, its wonderful people, and its uncertain future.Kati Piri, Member of the European Parliament and Delegation to the EU-Turkey Joint Parliamentary CommitteeAydin’s and Langley’s book addresses critical issues in a critical case. Turkey had been regarded as a rising democracy in a troubled region, but in recent years the country has experienced troubling signs of democratic erosion. Central to that decline is the precarious status of basic human rights of expression, association, religion, and due process. This book explores what has happened and how it affects individuals and the Turkish polity more broadly.John M. Carey, Ph.D.. Wentworth Professor in the Social Sciences, Dartmouth College, NH, USATurkey was once a poster-boy of the league of modernizing countries – a staunch ally of the West, an almost-democracy that would become better soon enough. It might even be the first Muslim country to join the European Union. That image now lies shattered under the erratic one-man-showof Tayyip Erdoğan. The police state reigns supreme, opposition is cowed, the courts are in shambles, and more journalists are jailed for their opinions than in any other country.How did it all come to this pass? This collection of essays examines the visible and obscure causes of the catclysmic events that have transformed Turkey. They question the long-established state of semi-freedom under secular rule, as well as the “Islamic” challenges that have arisen since Erdoğan’s rise to power.Sevan Nisanyan, Historian, Linguist, and Political Refugee, GreeceSituated right at the border between East and West, Turkey and its volatile political development continues to attract attention from people interested in the prospect for democracy. This book offers an impressive and thorough account of the recent democratic backsliding and reveals that not only the hope for a consolidation of liberal democracy but also large sections of the population are victims of rising authoritarianism.  Jacob Torfing, PhD., Professor in Politics and Institutions, Roskilde University, DenmarkA fascinating book detailing the rapid deterioration of human rights in Turkey, involving false imprisonment, job dismissals, media restrictions, and due process violations. A careful examination of the swift decline of democracy, transforming a prospering country into one where economic, educational, and social stability, and the operation of the justice system were impacted by a government declaration of a State of Emergency. A comprehensive analysis of the ways in which a society changes when human rights are not enforced in accord with the principles of due process and the rule of law.Jay Albanese, PhD., Virginia Commonwealth University, Wilder School of Government & Public AffairsAs a human rights activist and a victim of severe human rights violations in Turkey, I recognize the value of the chapters, as they provide a thorough examination and analysis of subjects regarding Human rights violations in Turkey. The book comprehensively chronicles the events pertaining to the steady rise of political authoritarianism. The relevancy of the issues addressed in each chapter make the book important in regard to the emerging civil society movement in Turkey. Furthermore, the descriptions of the severe decline of human rights and the democratic backsliding towards authoritarianism and facism during the last decade in Turkey, highlights the significance of the book.Haluk Savas, PhD., Professor of Psychiatry, Psychotherapist And Editor in Chief of KHK TV (Voice of Rights), TurkeyHuman rights violations are a world-wide phenomenon, occurring in various capacities and to varying degrees in each country. However, unique to Turkey, is the rapid increase in violations that are not the result of deeply rooted social practices, but rather are contingent upon political decisions. Therefore, the cases of these violations are worthy of study.Hercules Millas, PhD., Political Scientist, GreeceWe are living in a “Geography of Genocide.”Historically, Unionists (committtee of union and progress) who committed the 1915 Armenian Genocide, established the Republic of Turkey. As a result, a distorted history and official ideology for the state was established. Furthermore, “redlines” in the country, such as the Kurdish Question, the Armenian Genocide, and the Cyprus Issue, were fabricated. Until today, the Turkish Republic remains in denial of the problems that have caused major human rights violations. This book chronicles a very important reality that evaluates the “core state structure” in Turkey, which remains intact even though rulers have changed, through human rights violations.Eren Keskin, Lawyer and Human Right Activist, The Vice-president of the Human Rights Association, Turkey

This book brings together international scholars of Islamic philosophy, theology and politics to examine these current major questions: What is the place of pluralism in the Islamic founding texts?

This book brings together international scholars of Islamic philosophy, theology and politics to examine these current major questions: What is the place of pluralism in the Islamic founding texts?

Offering the first developed account of political liberal education, this book combines a thorough analysis of the theoretical groundwork of political liberal education with application-oriented approaches to contemporary educational challenges.

Offering the first developed account of political liberal education, this book combines a thorough analysis of the theoretical groundwork of political liberal education with application-oriented approaches to contemporary educational challenges.

This book offers an extensive comparative analysis of populism and radical democratic theories, tracing the line dividing the respective conceptions of ‘people’ and ‘popular sovereignty’.

This book offers an extensive comparative analysis of populism and radical democratic theories, tracing the line dividing the respective conceptions of ‘people’ and ‘popular sovereignty’.

This book offers a new theoretical framework for free speech by critically analyzing the major justifications for free speech.

This book offers a new theoretical framework for free speech by critically analyzing the major justifications for free speech.

This book offers a critical examination of certain ideas and values—such as remembering, forgiveness, story-telling through Truth and Reconciliation Commissions, etc.—that under-gird the transitional practices and mechanisms of societies emerging from conflicts.

This book offers a critical examination of certain ideas and values—such as remembering, forgiveness, story-telling through Truth and Reconciliation Commissions, etc.—that under-gird the transitional practices and mechanisms of societies emerging from conflicts.

This is a translation of Mehdi Hairi Yazdi’s ???? ? ????? (?ikmat wa ?ukumat) which provides a philosophical critique of the theory of the guardianship of the jurist. This theory is currently the governance theory in Iran and Mehdi Hairi Yazdi’s treatise provides a critique based on both philosophical and traditional arguments.

This is a translation of Mehdi Hairi Yazdi’s حکمت و حکومت (Ḥikmat wa Ḥukūmat) which provides a philosophical critique of the theory of the guardianship of the jurist. This theory is currently the governance theory in Iran and Mehdi Hairi Yazdi’s treatise provides a critique based on both philosophical and traditional arguments. It asks numerous questions, such as: ‘Is the governance of jurists philosophically coherent, rational and efficient?’ and ‘How can Muslim communities have their own forms of governance in such a manner that their faith commitments are met while living in their own time without clashing with universal values of governance?’ and debunks the key foundation of the guardianship of the jurist. The present translation makes accessible, for the first time, the text of this critique in English, and provides a competing narrative based on his theory of joint public ownership in political theory.

This book critically analyzes the current historical conjuncture of neoliberal capitalism with an eye to its emergent alternatives.