Routledge Library Editions: Peace Studies – serie

Originally published in 1918, this book is a primer of the principles of peace. The author urges that the Pact of Locarno involves a risk graver than this country ought to sustain. He attempts to demonstrate that the only effective method of providing against future wars is a covenant for mutual assistance, to an agreed extent, in maintaining peace under the League of Nations, conditional upon the disarmament of each Power down to the limit of the forces necessary for the fulfilment of this covenant and for the purposes of internal order.

Originally published in 1918, this book is a primer of the principles of peace. The author urges that the Pact of Locarno involves a risk graver than this country ought to sustain. He attempts to demonstrate that the only effective method of providing against future wars is a covenant for mutual assistance, to an agreed extent, in maintaining peace under the League of Nations, conditional upon the disarmament of each Power down to the limit of the forces necessary for the fulfilment of this covenant and for the purposes of internal order.

Routledge Library Editions: Peace Studies (12 Volume set) contains titles, originally published between 1928 and 1985. Looking at peace movements and the people involved in them around the world, who seek to learn lessons from war and find solutions to a peaceful existence. It includes titles from a number of well-known pacifists, both pre- and post-war who have influenced ideas and policy throughout the twentieth century.

The years of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic conquest of Europe revealed an undeniable conjunction between international war and internal revolution, a combination which both repelled and attracted contemporary and successive generations. Represented in this volume, originally published with a new introduction in 1972, are excerpts from five eminent Europeans who lived, wrote and worked in the shadow of that awesome reality. Though their attitudes toward war and revolution differ sharply, the observations of Saint-Simon, Gentz Hugo, Mazzini and Considerant reflect the responses of a wide range of committed and thoughtful Europeans.

The years of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic conquest of Europe revealed an undeniable conjunction between international war and internal revolution, a combination which both repelled and attracted contemporary and successive generations. Represented in this volume, originally published with a new introduction in 1972, are excerpts from five eminent Europeans who lived, wrote and worked in the shadow of that awesome reality. Though their attitudes toward war and revolution differ sharply, the observations of Saint-Simon, Gentz Hugo, Mazzini and Considerant reflect the responses of a wide range of committed and thoughtful Europeans.

The basic idea of common security is not complex. It is that no country can obtain security, in the long run, simply by taking unilateral decisions about its own military forces. This is because security depends also on the actions and reactions of potential adversaries. Security has to be found in common with those adversaries. These ideas were considered in a SIPRI conference held in 1983. The conference had two main objectives. The first was to undertake a critical examination of the concept. The second was to consider the implications of the idea for policy in general, and for disarmament and arms control policy in particular. Originally published in 1985, this book contains revised versions of some of the papers presented at the conference.

The basic idea of common security is not complex. It is that no country can obtain security, in the long run, simply by taking unilateral decisions about its own military forces. This is because security depends also on the actions and reactions of potential adversaries. Security has to be found in common with those adversaries. These ideas were considered in a SIPRI conference held in 1983. The conference had two main objectives. The first was to undertake a critical examination of the concept. The second was to consider the implications of the idea for policy in general, and for disarmament and arms control policy in particular. Originally published in 1985, this book contains revised versions of some of the papers presented at the conference.

In the early 1980s the peace movements in most of the Western countries captured public attention as never before. This largely resulted from NATO’s decision in 1979 to deploy new medium range missiles in Europe in 1983 if negotiations with the Soviet Union to limit this type of weapon system failed. The main purpose of the peace movements in Europe was to put pressure on their respective governments to accept Soviet proposals in negotiations and not to deploy new missiles. Many large demonstrations and other ‘happenings’ were organised for this purpose. The Soviet and other Warsaw Pact countries accompanied and supported the activities of the peace movements by propaganda and disinformation campaigns. The national peace movements, despite their common aims, had different historic backgrounds and characteristics.This book, originally published in 1985, presents an authoritative review of the peace movements in Sweden, Denmark, Norway, the Netherlands, Great Britain, France, Italy, Germany and the United States. The authors discuss not only the history and organisation of each peace movement, but also their international cooperation, media coverage and prospects for the future.

In the early 1980s the peace movements in most of the Western countries captured public attention as never before. This largely resulted from NATO’s decision in 1979 to deploy new medium range missiles in Europe in 1983 if negotiations with the Soviet Union to limit this type of weapon system failed. The main purpose of the peace movements in Europe was to put pressure on their respective governments to accept Soviet proposals in negotiations and not to deploy new missiles. Many large demonstrations and other ‘happenings’ were organised for this purpose. The Soviet and other Warsaw Pact countries accompanied and supported the activities of the peace movements by propaganda and disinformation campaigns. The national peace movements, despite their common aims, had different historic backgrounds and characteristics.This book, originally published in 1985, presents an authoritative review of the peace movements in Sweden, Denmark, Norway, the Netherlands, Great Britain, France, Italy, Germany and the United States. The authors discuss not only the history and organisation of each peace movement, but also their international cooperation, media coverage and prospects for the future.

Using authoritative extracts from the relevant and important sources at the time, this volume, originally published in 1972, deals with the problems and difficulties of maintaining peace in the world. The control of the use of force remains the most intractable, and yet the most important, problem in international relations. Although the antagonists change, antagonism appears to be almost an inherent feature of inter-state relations and although global conflict has been avoided for the past quarter of a century, the risk is always present. The cost of such anarchy in international relations, measured in terms of human suffering and wastage of resources, is appalling.In this book, Dr Bowett looks at the need for peaceful settlement of international disputes, the peacekeeping role of the United Nations, aid to developing countries and disarmament, and suggests that the structure of international society based on the Sovereign State could be modified to lessen the risk of conflict. The extracts include statements by Khrushchev, Mao Tse-Tung, Che Guevara, Dag Hammarskjöld, U Thant, Ho Chi-Minh, and selections from many national and international documents.

Using authoritative extracts from the relevant and important sources at the time, this volume, originally published in 1972, deals with the problems and difficulties of maintaining peace in the world. The control of the use of force remains the most intractable, and yet the most important, problem in international relations. Although the antagonists change, antagonism appears to be almost an inherent feature of inter-state relations and although global conflict has been avoided for the past quarter of a century, the risk is always present. The cost of such anarchy in international relations, measured in terms of human suffering and wastage of resources, is appalling.In this book, Dr Bowett looks at the need for peaceful settlement of international disputes, the peacekeeping role of the United Nations, aid to developing countries and disarmament, and suggests that the structure of international society based on the Sovereign State could be modified to lessen the risk of conflict. The extracts include statements by Khrushchev, Mao Tse-Tung, Che Guevara, Dag Hammarskjöld, U Thant, Ho Chi-Minh, and selections from many national and international documents.

Hugh Dalton was a British Labour Party economist and politician, who served as Chancellor of the Exchequer from 1945 to 1947 under Clement Atlee. After surviving the First World War, he was drawn in to active politics with the belief that, rightly handled, it could put an end to war. This title, originally published in 1928, is based on his journeys of political observation in Europe, where he examined the new conditions created by the war and subsequent events. He outlines some central problems and some provisional solutions.

Hugh Dalton was a British Labour Party economist and politician, who served as Chancellor of the Exchequer from 1945 to 1947 under Clement Atlee. After surviving the First World War, he was drawn in to active politics with the belief that, rightly handled, it could put an end to war. This title, originally published in 1928, is based on his journeys of political observation in Europe, where he examined the new conditions created by the war and subsequent events. He outlines some central problems and some provisional solutions.

Originally published in 1938, this book consists of a group of papers considering widely different subjects, but all bearing upon one social problem – the causation and prevention of war. The authors all occupy the same general political position, they are democratic socialists and active members of the Labour Party. The book falls into three rough divisions, although all the papers are self-contained. The first part of the book is psychological and attempts to summarise and analyse the non-historical evidence (ecological, psychological, and anthropological) about the causes of fighting. The second part is historical. It surveys the different causes of international war in the nineteenth century and then discusses the relation between nationalism and capitalism during the same period. The third part is political and first considers the relation of the use of force to the preservation of peace. Then analyses the choices of foreign policy for a pacific power confronted by the threat of aggressive military dictatorship. It concludes with a review and assessment of the various available policies for the prevention of war in general and under the specific contemporary conditions of the time.

Originally published in 1938, this book consists of a group of papers considering widely different subjects, but all bearing upon one social problem – the causation and prevention of war. The authors all occupy the same general political position, they are democratic socialists and active members of the Labour Party. The book falls into three rough divisions, although all the papers are self-contained. The first part of the book is psychological and attempts to summarise and analyse the non-historical evidence (ecological, psychological, and anthropological) about the causes of fighting. The second part is historical. It surveys the different causes of international war in the nineteenth century and then discusses the relation between nationalism and capitalism during the same period. The third part is political and first considers the relation of the use of force to the preservation of peace. Then analyses the choices of foreign policy for a pacific power confronted by the threat of aggressive military dictatorship. It concludes with a review and assessment of the various available policies for the prevention of war in general and under the specific contemporary conditions of the time.

The pacifist principle, so cogently expressed in the Declaration to Charles II, has led succeeding generations of Quakers to consider the application of this principle to international affairs. William Penn’s ‘Essay towards the Present and Future Peace of Europe’, which proposes international machinery for keeping the peace, is the first of a series of Quaker contributions to a body of thought which has been given some practical expression during the twentieth century. Originally published in 1962, the present lecture is not occasioned by a significant anniversary of William Penn’s essay, published in 1693, but by the urgent relevance of its ideas to the current international impasse.The lecture is based on the assumption that the tradition of Quaker political thinking which Penn initiated remains a living and vital one, to whose cultivation and renewal Friends can rightly devote a measure of their time, their energy and their concern. This requires that Friends think deeply about the nature of the present struggle for world power and the measures that can be taken to abate it; about the direction which existing international institutions should take in order to promote the present and the future peace of the world; and about the role of a religious society both within and without the realm of politics. Of necessity and intention, the lecture asks more questions than it can answer.

The pacifist principle, so cogently expressed in the Declaration to Charles II, has led succeeding generations of Quakers to consider the application of this principle to international affairs. William Penn’s ‘Essay towards the Present and Future Peace of Europe’, which proposes international machinery for keeping the peace, is the first of a series of Quaker contributions to a body of thought which has been given some practical expression during the twentieth century. Originally published in 1962, the present lecture is not occasioned by a significant anniversary of William Penn’s essay, published in 1693, but by the urgent relevance of its ideas to the current international impasse.The lecture is based on the assumption that the tradition of Quaker political thinking which Penn initiated remains a living and vital one, to whose cultivation and renewal Friends can rightly devote a measure of their time, their energy and their concern. This requires that Friends think deeply about the nature of the present struggle for world power and the measures that can be taken to abate it; about the direction which existing international institutions should take in order to promote the present and the future peace of the world; and about the role of a religious society both within and without the realm of politics. Of necessity and intention, the lecture asks more questions than it can answer.

J. D. Bernal was a scientist who helped to pioneer the use of x-ray crystallography and was a founder of the science of molecular biology. He was also well-known as a communist and closely associated with the peace movement. Originally published in 1958, revised in 1961, this title was written, in the author’s words, "to bring together the dark and the bright side of the new power that science has given to the mankind". At a time when politics was dominated by the hydrogen bomb and the rocket. People, for the first time in their history, were having to contemplate the potential destruction of civilization and even of life itself. While at the same time aware of the benefits of the opening stages of a new industrial revolution.

J. D. Bernal was a scientist who helped to pioneer the use of x-ray crystallography and was a founder of the science of molecular biology. He was also well-known as a communist and closely associated with the peace movement. Originally published in 1958, revised in 1961, this title was written, in the author’s words, "to bring together the dark and the bright side of the new power that science has given to the mankind". At a time when politics was dominated by the hydrogen bomb and the rocket. People, for the first time in their history, were having to contemplate the potential destruction of civilization and even of life itself. While at the same time aware of the benefits of the opening stages of a new industrial revolution.

Oswald Garrison Villard (1872–1949) was owner and editor of both the New York Evening Post, and The Nation during the first half of the twentieth century. His career as a pacifist paralleled the buildup of the American military from a minor auxiliary of the state to the "military- industrial complex" that dominates the economy of today. Originally published in 1983, this volume contains an introduction, followed by a collection of articles, selected letters and excerpts from books written by Villard and published during this time.

Oswald Garrison Villard (1872–1949) was owner and editor of both the New York Evening Post, and The Nation during the first half of the twentieth century. His career as a pacifist paralleled the buildup of the American military from a minor auxiliary of the state to the "military- industrial complex" that dominates the economy of today. Originally published in 1983, this volume contains an introduction, followed by a collection of articles, selected letters and excerpts from books written by Villard and published during this time.

First published in 1940, the original blurb reads: Here is an inquiry how to make a just and lasting peace when the danger of further aggression by Herr Hitler’s Germany has been removed. A feature of the book is the stress it lays on Germany’s part in forming and fostering a new world order. When the World War ended, cries of "Hang the Kaiser" and "Squeeze the German Orange" hampered the peacemakers and helped to spoil the peace. If that mistake is not to be repeated, public opinion must be prepared for whatever apparent sacrifices may be involved in passing from the old civilization to the new. And if the foundations of the new system are to be well and truly laid, they must rest not only upon the undertakings of governments, but also upon the convictions and the sentiments, the thoughts and the feelings, of individual men and women. To that end people should begin now to think over and discuss with one another how the errors of Versailles are to be avoided and how we are to do better this time. This book by Dr Maxwell Garnett, for 18 years the secretary of the League of Nations Union and Dr H. F. Koeppler will help such thought and talk to prepare the way of lasting peace. Dr Koeppler shows how essential is Anglo-French solidarity in the interests of Germany herself. For the rest he is chiefly concerned with the conflict between German democracy and Prussian Junkerdom as he defines it. He suggests how this conflict may be resolved when the Nazi disciples of the Junkers have left the scene and how Germany may then play an equal part in a new Europe.

First published in 1940, the original blurb reads: Here is an inquiry how to make a just and lasting peace when the danger of further aggression by Herr Hitler’s Germany has been removed. A feature of the book is the stress it lays on Germany’s part in forming and fostering a new world order. When the World War ended, cries of "Hang the Kaiser" and "Squeeze the German Orange" hampered the peacemakers and helped to spoil the peace. If that mistake is not to be repeated, public opinion must be prepared for whatever apparent sacrifices may be involved in passing from the old civilization to the new. And if the foundations of the new system are to be well and truly laid, they must rest not only upon the undertakings of governments, but also upon the convictions and the sentiments, the thoughts and the feelings, of individual men and women. To that end people should begin now to think over and discuss with one another how the errors of Versailles are to be avoided and how we are to do better this time. This book by Dr Maxwell Garnett, for 18 years the secretary of the League of Nations Union and Dr H. F. Koeppler will help such thought and talk to prepare the way of lasting peace. Dr Koeppler shows how essential is Anglo-French solidarity in the interests of Germany herself. For the rest he is chiefly concerned with the conflict between German democracy and Prussian Junkerdom as he defines it. He suggests how this conflict may be resolved when the Nazi disciples of the Junkers have left the scene and how Germany may then play an equal part in a new Europe.

Originally published in 1964, The Rebel Passion endeavours to tell the continuous story, in terms of their ideas and personalities and the vital flame that inspired them, of a group of very different yet spiritually related Christians who sought to confront a world involved in deeper conflict than any could fully realize, with the basic essentials of peace. Individual and corporate witness, beginning even before 1914, is presented against the dark background of many countries involved directly or indirectly in war, and illustrates the international scene, dangerous and tragic yet revolutionary and apocalyptic, over the tremendous half-century through which the older generation had lived, and which shaped the lives of their juniors.In 1941 the last revised edition was issued of a factual historic record of the work of the I.F.o.R. up to twenty years ago. The present book aims at a different treatment, which instead of mainly summarizing missions, conferences and committees, seeks to interpret persons and events rather than merely describe them.It tries above all to indicate how the philosophy and example of prophetic personalities influenced their various communities, in spite of totally different official values and the consistent opposition of ‘establishments’ to minority opinions based on insight and inspiration. It suggests that the thinking of ordinary individuals with distinguished minds, without the advantage of conspicuous social labels or the opportunity to stand on political pedestals, actually operates as a leaven which changes the thought of a generation. The fact that such a result had been achieved within measurable time should have encouraged those who worked on the contemporary scene to create spiritual foundations for the labours of future man and women.This book was published to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the Fellowship of Reconciliation, founded at Cambridge in December, 1914, and followed by the International Fellowship in 1919.