Studies in Economics and Political Science – serie

Originally published in 1975, this was an entirely new approach to the study of environmental planning and problems. Planning had hitherto been generally described as a technical exercise, involving the solving of biological and economic problems. In Environmental Planning: A Political and Philosophical Analysis it is seen as an ideological activity and the development of planning in Britain and the nature of contemporary environment problems are analysed in terms of social and political theory.The book discusses the nature of ‘planning’, its relationship to ‘politics’ and examines the groups and ideas which had been instrumental in its development. It tries to determine how important the environment is to people and how decisions affecting planning are made. In particular it looks at the theories and assumptions behind environmental policy, suggests alternatives and describes the role played by ‘participation’ and pressure groups in influencing planning in Britain at the time.

This 13-volume collection originally published between 1929 and 1982 contains a selection of titles from the fields of economics and political science. Many individual titles focus on Britain and include topics such as democracy; environmental planning; foreign policy; legislation; microeconomics; national income; and the welfare state. The earliest title looks at the nature of nationality, and two further titles look at politics in France. This set will be an insight for those interested in the history of either field.

Originally published in 1975, this was an entirely new approach to the study of environmental planning and problems. Planning had hitherto been generally described as a technical exercise, involving the solving of biological and economic problems. In Environmental Planning: A Political and Philosophical Analysis it is seen as an ideological activity and the development of planning in Britain and the nature of contemporary environment problems are analysed in terms of social and political theory.The book discusses the nature of ‘planning’, its relationship to ‘politics’ and examines the groups and ideas which had been instrumental in its development. It tries to determine how important the environment is to people and how decisions affecting planning are made. In particular it looks at the theories and assumptions behind environmental policy, suggests alternatives and describes the role played by ‘participation’ and pressure groups in influencing planning in Britain at the time.

Originally published in 1979, the purpose of this book is to introduce a theory of the distribution of national income between wages, profits and other categories of income. The relation between this branch of distribution theory and other areas of economics is explained in the Introduction. The first six chapters are designed to introduce distribution theory to students of intermediate economic principles. The reader should be familiar with the basic analysis of supply, demand and market equilibrium, and with the use of indifference curves to represent a consumer’s preferences. The remaining seven chapters discuss developments of the theory introduced in the first six.

How is foreign policy made? Who makes it? To what conscious and unconscious influences are policy-makers subject? What is distinctive about the immensely complex process as it unfolds in Britain? And what, therefore, is distinctive and characteristic about Britain’s foreign policy today? Who in Britain, has the decisive word? Why is the Foreign Office the king-pin of the system? Why does Parliament count for so little? Does public opinion count at all? Originally published in 1968, these are some of the questions which this book considers in the course of a tightly argued but very readable analysis. Some had been considered on their own elsewhere, but this study represented the first attempt by a contemporary political scientist to pull together, in brief compass, all the relevant threads – including the constitutional, the political, the institutional and the sociological. It is done, moreover, on the basis of a sharp assessment of the type of foreign policy problem that most notably confronted Britain at the time.The author has been successively journalist, official of the Israel Government, and university lecturer in politics. Throughout, his special interests and activities have been in the sphere of international affairs and it was while teaching International Relations at the University of Sussex that he wrote this book. He combines the experience of one who has seen the policy being made from the inside with the theoretical insight of the political scientist; he assesses with a sympathetic but unemotional detachment the constraints on the formation of British foreign policy.

How is foreign policy made? Who makes it? To what conscious and unconscious influences are policy-makers subject? What is distinctive about the immensely complex process as it unfolds in Britain? And what, therefore, is distinctive and characteristic about Britain’s foreign policy today? Who in Britain, has the decisive word? Why is the Foreign Office the king-pin of the system? Why does Parliament count for so little? Does public opinion count at all? Originally published in 1968, these are some of the questions which this book considers in the course of a tightly argued but very readable analysis. Some had been considered on their own elsewhere, but this study represented the first attempt by a contemporary political scientist to pull together, in brief compass, all the relevant threads – including the constitutional, the political, the institutional and the sociological. It is done, moreover, on the basis of a sharp assessment of the type of foreign policy problem that most notably confronted Britain at the time.The author has been successively journalist, official of the Israel Government, and university lecturer in politics. Throughout, his special interests and activities have been in the sphere of international affairs and it was while teaching International Relations at the University of Sussex that he wrote this book. He combines the experience of one who has seen the policy being made from the inside with the theoretical insight of the political scientist; he assesses with a sympathetic but unemotional detachment the constraints on the formation of British foreign policy.

Originally published in 1979, the purpose of this book is to introduce a theory of the distribution of national income between wages, profits and other categories of income. The relation between this branch of distribution theory and other areas of economics is explained in the Introduction. The first six chapters are designed to introduce distribution theory to students of intermediate economic principles. The reader should be familiar with the basic analysis of supply, demand and market equilibrium, and with the use of indifference curves to represent a consumer’s preferences. The remaining seven chapters discuss developments of the theory introduced in the first six.

The 1970s era of rapid change, economic and social, made constant demands on the adaptability of a constitutional system. The work of the State expanded, and the expansion was at several levels, delimited by the requirements of geography.Britain’s constitutional system has two aspects: one essentially theoretical, concerning such questions as the nature of sovereignty, prerogative powers, and the rights and duties of citizens; the other concerning the way in which the business of government is carried on: how people who make political decisions are chosen, how their activities are subject to checks and influence by the representatives of public interests, formal and informal.Originally published in 1974, this book deals with the second of these aspects. It identifies the changes in constitutional practice which had taken place in the previous two decades, and the trends which could be discerned at the time. It has four main sections. The first deals with the changing structure of government itself: with the recruitment of ministers, the nature of political responsibility and the changes in government departments. The second section deals with both Houses of Parliament, and particularly with the new forms of parliamentary discussion and criticism. The third deals with the process of election, including the regulation of propaganda and the use of the mass media. The final section deals with the different levels of government, including the local, the regional and the supra-national. All through the main concern is with the dynamic aspects of the political constitution. This was a really up-to-date and realistic book on British government at the time and now can be read in its historical context.

The 1970s era of rapid change, economic and social, made constant demands on the adaptability of a constitutional system. The work of the State expanded, and the expansion was at several levels, delimited by the requirements of geography.Britain’s constitutional system has two aspects: one essentially theoretical, concerning such questions as the nature of sovereignty, prerogative powers, and the rights and duties of citizens; the other concerning the way in which the business of government is carried on: how people who make political decisions are chosen, how their activities are subject to checks and influence by the representatives of public interests, formal and informal.Originally published in 1974, this book deals with the second of these aspects. It identifies the changes in constitutional practice which had taken place in the previous two decades, and the trends which could be discerned at the time. It has four main sections. The first deals with the changing structure of government itself: with the recruitment of ministers, the nature of political responsibility and the changes in government departments. The second section deals with both Houses of Parliament, and particularly with the new forms of parliamentary discussion and criticism. The third deals with the process of election, including the regulation of propaganda and the use of the mass media. The final section deals with the different levels of government, including the local, the regional and the supra-national. All through the main concern is with the dynamic aspects of the political constitution. This was a really up-to-date and realistic book on British government at the time and now can be read in its historical context.

Books on gaullism – or, more precisely, books on General de Gaulle – are not uncommon. Originally published in English in 1971, this claimed to be the first book of this sort on gaullism as a political force within the French political system. Since the publication of his work on the Union pour la nouvelle République Jean Charlot had become known as one of the few objective experts on gaullism. His knowledge of the British political system had helped him to appreciate the nature of the gaullist party which he saw from the first, not as a transient party linked to the political career of General de Gaulle, but as a major, modern, right-wing party, comparable to the Conservative Party in Britain. In this book he demonstrates how the gaullist movement is a ‘voter-oriented’ party, the first that France had really ever known. The strength of gaullism lies in the electorate, which had fully accepted gaullist economic policies, the institutional changes introduced under the Republic, and the party’s foreign policy. This voter-oriented party had fundamentally changed the French party system. A majority party since 1962, the gaullist movement would force the left to regroup within a left-wing, voter-oriented party, if it did not want to face political sterility.Jean Charlot was one of the few specialists to publish an article just after the referendum (Le Monde, May 2, 1969) forecasting that the departure of General de Gaulle did not foreshadow the end of gaullism as a major political force.

Books on gaullism – or, more precisely, books on General de Gaulle – are not uncommon. Originally published in English in 1971, this claimed to be the first book of this sort on gaullism as a political force within the French political system. Since the publication of his work on the Union pour la nouvelle République Jean Charlot had become known as one of the few objective experts on gaullism. His knowledge of the British political system had helped him to appreciate the nature of the gaullist party which he saw from the first, not as a transient party linked to the political career of General de Gaulle, but as a major, modern, right-wing party, comparable to the Conservative Party in Britain. In this book he demonstrates how the gaullist movement is a ‘voter-oriented’ party, the first that France had really ever known. The strength of gaullism lies in the electorate, which had fully accepted gaullist economic policies, the institutional changes introduced under the Republic, and the party’s foreign policy. This voter-oriented party had fundamentally changed the French party system. A majority party since 1962, the gaullist movement would force the left to regroup within a left-wing, voter-oriented party, if it did not want to face political sterility.Jean Charlot was one of the few specialists to publish an article just after the referendum (Le Monde, May 2, 1969) forecasting that the departure of General de Gaulle did not foreshadow the end of gaullism as a major political force.

Originally published in 1976, Supply in a Market Economy was a new kind of introductory micro-economics text which both assesses the usefulness of traditional theory in tackling social and economic problems and compares and contrasts the alternative approaches to the practical problems inherent in the allocation of scarce resources. Richard Jones has succeeded in bringing together the most useful features of a standard microeconomics theory book with empirical and applied material more usually dealt with separately in second year surveys of industrial organisation.The book gives full coverage to the standard theories of the firm, of production, of cost and scale, and of location, to recent critiques of these theories and to alternative approaches now being proposed. Integrated into this theoretical background is a clear analysis of the relationship of these theories to market structures and the economics of industry, and a ‘real-world’ examination of markets in action – with individual sections on the control of rents, on the water supply industry, on the effect of taxation on commodities, and on the economics of crime and its prevention.Supply in a Market Economy would prove to be an invaluable new course-book for first and second year students of microeconomics at the time and particularly for those non-specialists who were impatient to see the relevance and applications of traditional theory to real problems. Now it can be read in its historical context.

Originally published in 1976, Supply in a Market Economy was a new kind of introductory micro-economics text which both assesses the usefulness of traditional theory in tackling social and economic problems and compares and contrasts the alternative approaches to the practical problems inherent in the allocation of scarce resources. Richard Jones has succeeded in bringing together the most useful features of a standard microeconomics theory book with empirical and applied material more usually dealt with separately in second year surveys of industrial organisation.The book gives full coverage to the standard theories of the firm, of production, of cost and scale, and of location, to recent critiques of these theories and to alternative approaches now being proposed. Integrated into this theoretical background is a clear analysis of the relationship of these theories to market structures and the economics of industry, and a ‘real-world’ examination of markets in action – with individual sections on the control of rents, on the water supply industry, on the effect of taxation on commodities, and on the economics of crime and its prevention.Supply in a Market Economy would prove to be an invaluable new course-book for first and second year students of microeconomics at the time and particularly for those non-specialists who were impatient to see the relevance and applications of traditional theory to real problems. Now it can be read in its historical context.

In the late 1960s representative democracy was under fire from various directions even in countries, like Britain and America, where it had appeared to be most secure and successful. Must democracy be a sham, either because of the power of pressure groups and other established decision-makers, or because ‘the people’ are too ignorant and irrational? What, in any case, does or can representative government mean in a complex industrial society – and what does it mean to be rational in politics?It is to these and other vital issues that this book, originally published in 1970, directs itself. In the course of their argument the authors, who feel no contradiction between their academic and their ‘radical democratic’ commitments, draw extensively upon recent empirical studies of voting, pressure groups, and of the sociological and social psychological aspects of political behaviour in Britain and the USA at the time. Problems of the nature of such evidence, the conduct of attitude surveys and opinion polls, and the relationship between modern research and the traditional themes of political theory are also analysed.

In the late 1960s representative democracy was under fire from various directions even in countries, like Britain and America, where it had appeared to be most secure and successful. Must democracy be a sham, either because of the power of pressure groups and other established decision-makers, or because ‘the people’ are too ignorant and irrational? What, in any case, does or can representative government mean in a complex industrial society – and what does it mean to be rational in politics?It is to these and other vital issues that this book, originally published in 1970, directs itself. In the course of their argument the authors, who feel no contradiction between their academic and their ‘radical democratic’ commitments, draw extensively upon recent empirical studies of voting, pressure groups, and of the sociological and social psychological aspects of political behaviour in Britain and the USA at the time. Problems of the nature of such evidence, the conduct of attitude surveys and opinion polls, and the relationship between modern research and the traditional themes of political theory are also analysed.

Originally published in 1981, this book provided an up-to-date and critical review of the recent history and current status of the main economic institutions affecting international trade and relations at the time. The authors emphasise the economic effectiveness or otherwise of such bodies as GATT, IMF, EEC, UNCTAD and the World Bank, but take account of the political factors present in both the initial ‘design’ and in the way that the institutions have developed. In particular, the book analyses the changed degree of dominance which the USA had been able to exert on the international community.

Originally published in 1981, this book provided an up-to-date and critical review of the recent history and current status of the main economic institutions affecting international trade and relations at the time. The authors emphasise the economic effectiveness or otherwise of such bodies as GATT, IMF, EEC, UNCTAD and the World Bank, but take account of the political factors present in both the initial ‘design’ and in the way that the institutions have developed. In particular, the book analyses the changed degree of dominance which the USA had been able to exert on the international community.

Originally published in 1973, the aim of this work was to discuss the various factors governing the rate of growth of the British economy since the First World War. It endeavours to explain – or at least to provide the groundwork for an explanation of – the movements of aggregate production and productivity in this period. In so doing it examines two particular, and partly antithetical questions: why Britain exceeded the predictions of economic theorists who, until at least the Second World War, had forecast a retardation of growth in all mature industrial economies; and why, especially since 1950, the economy has expanded less quickly than many professional economists, and almost all politicians, thought possible.The authors look, in turn, at the changing trends in effective economic demand, both domestic and foreign; the supply of labour and capital; and the role of management and the state in fostering growth. Their object is to produce a balanced mixture of the available historical and statistical evidence and the relevant economic theory. They introduce their readers, at the same time, to the more specialized works of both disciplines.The book is the product of a fruitful collaboration between an economist and a historian, both with considerable experience in teaching students, combining their two subjects. It marries, accordingly, the qualities of apt and informative use of evidence, wide-ranging theoretical discussion, and clarity of exposition.

Originally published in 1973, the aim of this work was to discuss the various factors governing the rate of growth of the British economy since the First World War. It endeavours to explain – or at least to provide the groundwork for an explanation of – the movements of aggregate production and productivity in this period. In so doing it examines two particular, and partly antithetical questions: why Britain exceeded the predictions of economic theorists who, until at least the Second World War, had forecast a retardation of growth in all mature industrial economies; and why, especially since 1950, the economy has expanded less quickly than many professional economists, and almost all politicians, thought possible.The authors look, in turn, at the changing trends in effective economic demand, both domestic and foreign; the supply of labour and capital; and the role of management and the state in fostering growth. Their object is to produce a balanced mixture of the available historical and statistical evidence and the relevant economic theory. They introduce their readers, at the same time, to the more specialized works of both disciplines.The book is the product of a fruitful collaboration between an economist and a historian, both with considerable experience in teaching students, combining their two subjects. It marries, accordingly, the qualities of apt and informative use of evidence, wide-ranging theoretical discussion, and clarity of exposition.

Originally published in 1968, this book deals with the process of public legislation in modern Britain at the time, not in terms of constitutional formulae, but by a realistic appraisal of the relationships between the political institutions and forces which gave the process its shape. It concentrates particularly on the procedures and conventions which operated at the preparatory stages of legislation, and established that legislation was almost exclusively a governmental function, Parliament playing only a minor role. It is particularly concerned to stress the extent to which consultation by the government with pressure groups was now a major feature of the legislative process, and concludes that subordinate departmental legislation, developed as a result of collaboration between pressure groups and Civil Servants, was the most characteristic and important stage of the legislative process in Britain.The book brought together the conclusions of recent scholarship in this field, and the result is a balanced perspective of an important decision-making process of British government at the time. Today it can be read in its historical context.

Originally published in 1968, this book deals with the process of public legislation in modern Britain at the time, not in terms of constitutional formulae, but by a realistic appraisal of the relationships between the political institutions and forces which gave the process its shape. It concentrates particularly on the procedures and conventions which operated at the preparatory stages of legislation, and established that legislation was almost exclusively a governmental function, Parliament playing only a minor role. It is particularly concerned to stress the extent to which consultation by the government with pressure groups was now a major feature of the legislative process, and concludes that subordinate departmental legislation, developed as a result of collaboration between pressure groups and Civil Servants, was the most characteristic and important stage of the legislative process in Britain.The book brought together the conclusions of recent scholarship in this field, and the result is a balanced perspective of an important decision-making process of British government at the time. Today it can be read in its historical context.

Originally published in 1968, this book set out to give a brief but complete account of the French Parliament as it had worked in practice since the advent of President de Gaulle. A number of different aspects are discussed, from the social background of the members to the debates on five sample bills, and from the strategy of pressure groups to the organisation and character of the Gaullist party (about which very little had been written). While the legal framework within which the new parliament works is comprehensively described, attention is mainly focused on a political situation transformed by the end of the Algerian war and by the speed of social change in France itself at the time.Earlier books on the Fifth Republic naturally concentrated heavily on the spectacular crises of its early years and on the exceptional personality of its president. Remarkably little, therefore, had been written on the recent development of its institutions and politics in the peacetime conditions which France had enjoyed since 1962 for the first time for over twenty years.There was a Gaullist myth that the new regime had reformed the system and, against the obstructive opposition of an Opposition which had learned nothing and forgotten nothing, had won the support of the French people for a strong democratic government on British lines. There was a corresponding Opposition myth that a ruler and party of authoritarian temper had consolidated their power by reducing parliamentary criticism to an impotent farce. Neither interpretation was wholly unfounded; neither does justice to the complex reality which this work tries to explain as fairly as possible.

Originally published in 1968, this book set out to give a brief but complete account of the French Parliament as it had worked in practice since the advent of President de Gaulle. A number of different aspects are discussed, from the social background of the members to the debates on five sample bills, and from the strategy of pressure groups to the organisation and character of the Gaullist party (about which very little had been written). While the legal framework within which the new parliament works is comprehensively described, attention is mainly focused on a political situation transformed by the end of the Algerian war and by the speed of social change in France itself at the time.Earlier books on the Fifth Republic naturally concentrated heavily on the spectacular crises of its early years and on the exceptional personality of its president. Remarkably little, therefore, had been written on the recent development of its institutions and politics in the peacetime conditions which France had enjoyed since 1962 for the first time for over twenty years.There was a Gaullist myth that the new regime had reformed the system and, against the obstructive opposition of an Opposition which had learned nothing and forgotten nothing, had won the support of the French people for a strong democratic government on British lines. There was a corresponding Opposition myth that a ruler and party of authoritarian temper had consolidated their power by reducing parliamentary criticism to an impotent farce. Neither interpretation was wholly unfounded; neither does justice to the complex reality which this work tries to explain as fairly as possible.

In the early 1980s, the welfare state, for too long regarded as a notable contribution to the establishment of a humane social order, had over the previous decade come under increasing attack. Some of its critics, especially in the UK and the USA, maintained that it had failed to deal satisfactorily with the problem of poverty. Others held that it was over-elaborate, created a psychology of dependence and imposed costs that needed to be reduced as part of a policy of general economic recovery. In a number of countries, cuts had already been imposed or were now contemplated.In this situation it was crucially important to direct attention once more to the basic objectives of the various welfare services from a systematic and comparative standpoint. Originally published in 1982, the authors of this book, one an economist and the other a specialist in social administration, subjected these aims to rigorous analysis and discuss the underlying issues of social philosophy. They then attempt to assess the various methods adopted for their attainment in Britain and comment on those adopted in the USA and in some continental European countries. Although the authors reject the more extreme assertion that the welfare state has been a failure, they point to the need to relate some of the policies followed more clearly to the basic objectives. A number of proposals for reform are put forward which would imply some change of emphasis and should permit a simplification of existing over-complex arrangements.

In the early 1980s, the welfare state, for too long regarded as a notable contribution to the establishment of a humane social order, had over the previous decade come under increasing attack. Some of its critics, especially in the UK and the USA, maintained that it had failed to deal satisfactorily with the problem of poverty. Others held that it was over-elaborate, created a psychology of dependence and imposed costs that needed to be reduced as part of a policy of general economic recovery. In a number of countries, cuts had already been imposed or were now contemplated.In this situation it was crucially important to direct attention once more to the basic objectives of the various welfare services from a systematic and comparative standpoint. Originally published in 1982, the authors of this book, one an economist and the other a specialist in social administration, subjected these aims to rigorous analysis and discuss the underlying issues of social philosophy. They then attempt to assess the various methods adopted for their attainment in Britain and comment on those adopted in the USA and in some continental European countries. Although the authors reject the more extreme assertion that the welfare state has been a failure, they point to the need to relate some of the policies followed more clearly to the basic objectives. A number of proposals for reform are put forward which would imply some change of emphasis and should permit a simplification of existing over-complex arrangements.

Originally published in 1929, the author begins the discussion of nationality by a survey of its main factors – race, language, religion, the homeland, tradition, literature and the will to live together. With the discovery that racial purity is a myth, race in its biological sense loses much of its significance, though racial self-consciousness remains virtually unaffected. The second half of the volume studies the historical origins of nationality and its world-wide ramifications. The nationalities of Europe are briefly surveyed in a single chapter, while the British Empire, India, the Jews and the Americans, have chapters to themselves. The study of Asia is completed by an additional chapter on National Groups of the East. Towards the end of the volume the author returns to the discussion of the meaning of nationality, defines its relation to the state, Patriotism, Internationalism and war, and sums up its merits and its defects. This book is a re-issue originally published in 1929. The language used and assumptions made are a reflection of its era and no offence is meant by the Publishers to any reader by this re-publication.