Daniel Silander – författare

I denna bok jämförs och illustreras fem olika politiska regimtyper: demokratiska, totalitära, auktoritära, dynastiska och hybrida. Typerna illustreras genom exemplen El Salvador (demokrati), Brunei (dynastisk), Kuba (totalitär), Belarus (auktoritär), samt Pakistan (hybrid). Denna andra upplaga är uppdaterad med de politiska förändringar som har skett sedan den första upplagan utkom 2012.

Daniel Silander och Martin Nilsson är docenter i statsvetenskap vid Linnéuniversitetet.

This book seeks to understand the obligations of the international community to promote and protect state and human security in situations of international humanitarian crises.

In Iraq and Syria, as well as in neighbouring states, the rise of ISIL has raised serious state and human security challenges. This study explores the relationships between the Global-Regional Partnership, the United Nations and nine organizations in their attempt to deal with the challenges presented by ISIL. Each organization is analyzed in terms of how it has responded in the past and how it is now responding to the ISIL threat based on three perspectives; resource capacities (military, political, economic, technological, normative); willingness and readiness; and impediments to capacity and abilities. The overall aim is to discern what capacities and abilities international organizations have to protect state and human security and prevent civilians from mass atrocities inflicted by ISIL forces. The study addresses the role of international organizations when the UNSC is unable or unwilling to uphold the most fundamental norms and values in the UN Charter. This approach acknowledges that within the international community there is an overall acceptance on security for a partnership between the UN and regional organizations, but that there is also a contested call for a renegotiated international contract on state and human security.

This volume will be of much interest to students of international relations, human rights, peace and conflict studies, terrorism studies and International Relations.

This book seeks to understand the obligations of the international community to promote and protect state and human security in situations of international humanitarian crises.

In Iraq and Syria, as well as in neighbouring states, the rise of ISIL has raised serious state and human security challenges. This study explores the relationships between the Global-Regional Partnership, the United Nations and nine organizations in their attempt to deal with the challenges presented by ISIL. Each organization is analyzed in terms of how it has responded in the past and how it is now responding to the ISIL threat based on three perspectives; resource capacities (military, political, economic, technological, normative); willingness and readiness; and impediments to capacity and abilities. The overall aim is to discern what capacities and abilities international organizations have to protect state and human security and prevent civilians from mass atrocities inflicted by ISIL forces. The study addresses the role of international organizations when the UNSC is unable or unwilling to uphold the most fundamental norms and values in the UN Charter. This approach acknowledges that within the international community there is an overall acceptance on security for a partnership between the UN and regional organizations, but that there is also a contested call for a renegotiated international contract on state and human security.

This volume will be of much interest to students of international relations, human rights, peace and conflict studies, terrorism studies and International Relations.

This book seeks to understand the obligation of the international community to implement the principles of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P).

With a focus on the humanitarian crisis in Syria, the volume examines what formal responsibility and actual capability international institutions have to protect and prevent civilians from systematic mass atrocities and presents an analysis of several prominent international organizations (IOs). Each chapter focuses on a specific organization and explores their formal responsibilities and how these pertain to the obligations of the R2P. Existing capabilities and actual abilities to address the challenges of R2P are analysed by looking at these issues before, during, and after the occurrence of the humanitarian crisis in Syria.

With the UN not fully engaged in the Syrian conflict, the systematic human rights abuses have engendered greater attention on other organizations. This volume argues that if the UN Security Council’s inactions result in an abdication of responsibilities under the UN Charter, there should not only be a discussion of how the UN must alter its approach, but also an examination of whether there are alternative R2P paths for other MNOs to take in the name of international peace and human security.

This book will be of much interest to students of R2P, humanitarian intervention, international organisations, Middle Eastern politics and security studies.

This book seeks to understand the obligation of the international community to implement the principles of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P).

With a focus on the humanitarian crisis in Syria, the volume examines what formal responsibility and actual capability international institutions have to protect and prevent civilians from systematic mass atrocities and presents an analysis of several prominent international organizations (IOs). Each chapter focuses on a specific organization and explores their formal responsibilities and how these pertain to the obligations of the R2P. Existing capabilities and actual abilities to address the challenges of R2P are analysed by looking at these issues before, during, and after the occurrence of the humanitarian crisis in Syria.

With the UN not fully engaged in the Syrian conflict, the systematic human rights abuses have engendered greater attention on other organizations. This volume argues that if the UN Security Council’s inactions result in an abdication of responsibilities under the UN Charter, there should not only be a discussion of how the UN must alter its approach, but also an examination of whether there are alternative R2P paths for other MNOs to take in the name of international peace and human security.

This book will be of much interest to students of R2P, humanitarian intervention, international organisations, Middle Eastern politics and security studies.

This book examines the multiple strategies proposed by the international community for addressing global climate change (GCC) from both human and state-security perspectives.

It examines what is needed from major states working within the UN framework to engage with the multiple dimensions of a strategy that addresses GCC and its impacts, where such engagement promotes both human and state security. Two broad frameworks for approaching these issues provide the basis of discussion for the individual chapters, which discuss the strategies being undertaken by major state powers (the US, the EU, China, India, Japan, and Russia). The first framework considers the multiple strategies, mitigation, adaptation, and capacity-building required of the international community to address the effects of GCC. The second framework considers the differentiation of GCC policies in terms of security and how the efficacy of these strategies could be impacted by whether priority is given to state security over human security concerns.

This book will be of much interest to students of human security, climate change, foreign policy, and International Relations.

This book examines the multiple strategies proposed by the international community for addressing global climate change (GCC) from both human and state-security perspectives.

It examines what is needed from major states working within the UN framework to engage with the multiple dimensions of a strategy that addresses GCC and its impacts, where such engagement promotes both human and state security. Two broad frameworks for approaching these issues provide the basis of discussion for the individual chapters, which discuss the strategies being undertaken by major state powers (the US, the EU, China, India, Japan, and Russia). The first framework considers the multiple strategies, mitigation, adaptation, and capacity-building required of the international community to address the effects of GCC. The second framework considers the differentiation of GCC policies in terms of security and how the efficacy of these strategies could be impacted by whether priority is given to state security over human security concerns.

This book will be of much interest to students of human security, climate change, foreign policy, and International Relations.

Governance and Political Entrepreneurship in Europe examines the role that the political entrepreneur can play in promoting entrepreneurship and growth. The book includes an actor and a structure perspective by focussing on politicians and institutions within the public sector that use innovative approaches to encourage businesses with a goal of growth and employment.

This exemplary book is a useful tool for entrepreneurship and political science scholars wishing to gain a better understanding of the ways in which political bodies can impact economic development. EU politicians and public servants would also benefit from reading this timely book as it offers key information on how they can help to promote growth.

Contributors include: M. Alebaki, C. Berggren, M.-L. von Bergmann-Winberg, S. Gretzinger, C. Karlsson, B. Leick, A. Olausson, A. Parkhouse, E. Petridou, B. Pircher, C. Silander, D. Silander, P. Strömblad, S. Tavassoli, E. Wihlborg

Focussing on how European political entrepreneurship functions in times of crisis, Smart, Sustainable and Inclusive Growth considers these crises as potential windows of opportunity. The expert contributors highlight how the 2020 strategy has been debated, decided on, and then implemented from a governance perspective with multiple actors, and look ahead to necessary future developments. Further to this, multi-level governance is discussed as a way to address the demanded socio-economic goals across the EU in order to effect smart, sustainable and inclusive growth.

Entrepreneurship and public policy scholars, particularly those with an interest in European affairs will find this book to be an interesting read. It will also prove to be a powerful resource for politicians and public servants working within the Europe 2020 strategy.

Contributors include: H. Ekelund, A. Haglund-Morrissey, C. Karlsson, M. Nilsson, M. Öhlén, A. Parkhouse, B. Pircher, C. Silander, D. Silander, S. Tavassoli

Leading contributors consider political entrepreneurship at an international level, explaining how European political entrepreneurs act and interact in order to promote their policies at various levels of governance. Focusing on how EU politicians, public servants and bureaucrats create new and innovative institutional conditions, the contributors reveal how the UN SDGs are implemented in Europe. Chapters examine several EU actors in the context of numerous development goals to assess how political entrepreneurship challenges traditional EU institutions and promotes visionary activity to achieve the goals of Agenda 2030.

Providing a unique contribution to the growing pool of research on entrepreneurial activity in the public sector, this book will prove to be a valuable resource for scholars working at the intersection between entrepreneurship, policy-making and European politics. It will also be beneficial for students and practitioners who are interested in global issues and sustainable development.

Since the first elections of 1994, the South African constitution officially guarantees and promotes a wide range of political and civil rights and institutionalizes the separation of powers with an independent judiciary. This has made South Africa a political symbol of change, hope and democracy in Africa and around the world. However, since the introduction of free and fair electoral processes and with ANC dominating the presidency and the parliamentary seats, the political scene has been scattered by democratic challenges. South Africa remains a flawed democracy, combining free elections and respect for basic civil liberties with problems of governance, an underdeveloped political culture, and low levels of public participation.

Today, South Africa stands at a crossroads. While the constitutional democracy has survived, South African democracy seems to have weakened by state capture, internal ANC implosion, corruption, societal polarization, social exclusion, xenophobia, and threats of state economic bankruptcy. South Africa faces growing discontent symbolized in intensified societal and political debates, protests and demonstrations providing for the question if this is a sign of dissatisfied citizens demanding deeper democracy or activities questioning the established constitutional democracy from an anti-democratic, populist, and radical point of view.

South Africa´s Democracy at the Crossroads explores the question; what are the challenges to future democratization in South Africa?

Since the first elections of 1994, the South African constitution officially guarantees and promotes a wide range of political and civil rights and institutionalizes the separation of powers with an independent judiciary. This has made South Africa a political symbol of change, hope and democracy in Africa and around the world. However, since the introduction of free and fair electoral processes and with ANC dominating the presidency and the parliamentary seats, the political scene has been scattered by democratic challenges. South Africa remains a flawed democracy, combining free elections and respect for basic civil liberties with problems of governance, an underdeveloped political culture, and low levels of public participation.

Today, South Africa stands at a crossroads. While the constitutional democracy has survived, South African democracy seems to have weakened by state capture, internal ANC implosion, corruption, societal polarization, social exclusion, xenophobia, and threats of state economic bankruptcy. South Africa faces growing discontent symbolized in intensified societal and political debates, protests and demonstrations providing for the question if this is a sign of dissatisfied citizens demanding deeper democracy or activities questioning the established constitutional democracy from an anti-democratic, populist, and radical point of view.

South Africa´s Democracy at the Crossroads explores the question; what are the challenges to future democratization in South Africa?