Edmund King – författare

The youngest of William the Conqueror's sons, Henry I (1100-35) was never meant to be king, but he was destined to become one of the greatest of all medieval monarchs, both through his own ruthlessness and intelligence and through the dynastic legacy of his daughter Matilda, who began the Plantagenet line that would rule England until 1485. A self-consciously diligent and thoughtful king, his rule was looked back on as the real post-invasion re-founding of England as a new realm, integrated into the continent, wealthy and stable.Edmund King's wonderful portrait of Henry shows him as a strikingly charismatic and thoughtful man. His life was dogged by a single great disaster, the death of his teenage heir William in the White Ship disaster. Despite astonishing numbers of illegitimate sons, Henry was now left with only a daughter. This fact would shape the rest of the 12th century and beyond.

'To be a medieval king was a job of work ... This was a man who knew how to run a complex organization. He was England's CEO'The youngest of William the Conqueror's sons, Henry I came to unchallenged power only after two of his brothers died in strange hunting accidents and he had imprisoned the other. He was destined to become one of the greatest of all medieval monarchs, both through his own ruthlessness, and through his dynastic legacy. Edmund King's engrossing portrait shows a strikingly charismatic, intelligent and fortunate man, whose rule was looked back on as the real post-conquest founding of England as a new realm: wealthy, stable, bureaucratised and self-confident.

The Historia Novella is a key source for the succession dispute between King Stephen and the Empress Matilda which brought England to civil war in the twelfth century. William of Malmesbury was the doyen of the historians of his day. His account of the main events of the years 1126 to 1142, to some of which he was an eyewitness, is sympathetic to the empress's cause, but not uncritical of her. Edmund King offers a complete revision of K. R. Potter's edition of 1955, retaining only the translation, which has been amended in places. Not only is this a new edition but it offers a new text, arguing that what have earlier been seen as William of Malmesbury's final revisions are not from his hand. Rather they seem to come from somewhere in the circle of Robert of Gloucester, the empress's half-brother, to whom the work is dedicated. In this way the work raises important questions concerning the transmission of medieval texts.

The reign of King Stephen (1135-54) is famous as a period of weak government, as Stephen and his rival the Empress Matilda contended for power. This is a study of medieval kingship at its most vulnerable. It also shows how individuals and institutions enabled the monarchy to survive.A contemporary chronicler described the reign as "nineteen long winters in which Christ and his saints were asleep". Historians today refer to it simply as 'the Anarchy'.The weakness of government was the result of a disputed succession. Stephen lost control over Normandy, the Welsh marches, and much of the North. Contemporaries noted as signs of weakness the tyranny of the lords of castles, and the break-down of coinage. Stephen remained king for his lifetime, but leading churchmen and laymen negotiated a settlement whereby the crown passed to the Empress's son the future Henry II.This volume by leading scholars gives an original and up-to-date analysis of these major themes, and explains how the English monarchy was able to survive the Anarchy of King Stephen's reign.

From Yale's English Monarchs series, the most authoritative picture yet of King Stephen"King has written a masterpiece that reveals how a medieval political community can both consume and then reconstitute itself and offers readers a king emblematic of his truncated, troubled age."—ChoiceKing Stephen's reign (1135–1154), with its “nineteen long winters” of civil war, made his name synonymous with failed leadership. After years of work on the sources, Edmund King shows with rare clarity the strengths and weaknesses of the monarch. Keeping Stephen at the forefront of his account, the author also chronicles the activities of key family members and associates whose loyal support sustained Stephen’s kingship. In 1135 the popular Stephen was elected king against the claims of the empress Matilda and her sons. But by 1153, Stephen had lost control over Normandy and other important regions, England had lost prestige, and the weakened king was forced to cede his family’s right to succession.A rich narrative covering the drama of a tumultuous reign, this book focuses well-deserved attention on a king who lost control of his destiny.

Developments and trends in Communist education are traced in this authoritative survey by specialists. Eight chapters deal with particular aspects: ideology, psychology, the selective process, the roles of teachers and parents, polytechnical education, the universities and professional institutes. Three chapters survey the former East Germany, Poland and China as special case-studies. A concluding chapter examines common ground between Communist and other systems.

This volume offers a conceptual justification and methodology for comparative studies of education matching developments in the social sciences and other comparative disciplines. It also relates comparative studies of education to the practical business of policy formulation at all levels. Thus it bridges the widening gap between the purely academic world and the world of decision for development. The author draws illustrations from educational reforms, but goes further in suggesting suitable procedures or institutions which might achieve soundly based policies and secure their implementation. He takes account of the planning techniques and achievements of UNESCO, OECD and other international organizations, and examines the activities and aims of national planning for education in a wider perspective of world re-orientation.

Developments and trends in Communist education are traced in this authoritative survey by specialists. Eight chapters deal with particular aspects: ideology, psychology, the selective process, the roles of teachers and parents, polytechnical education, the universities and professional institutes. Three chapters survey the former East Germany, Poland and China as special case-studies. A concluding chapter examines common ground between Communist and other systems.

During the years 1175–1425, English society developed in many ways. First published in 1979, England 1175–1425 offers an ideal introduction to the period, presenting as it does a view of a whole society that is derived from a study of economic, social, political, and administrative history. It argues that the later Middle Ages in England saw the creation of a single, integrated society, with a national economy and a national political consciousness, and it shows how this integration came about.The foundations of a unified community are seen in chapters on settlement, on lordship and on the world of ideas, while the development of this community is seen in chapters on political and social themes. The author describes how parliament became the political focus of the nation and stresses the importance of warfare and war taxation in this development. Original features of the book are the integration into a general survey of work on medieval archaeology, and a chapter on ideas which uses a wide range of material to present a picture of the attitudes which governed men’s lives. The Peasants’ Revolt of 1381 demonstrates especially clearly the argument that all classes of society shared similar ideas, and the episode is examined in detail.There is an emphasis throughout on quotations from original sources and these, together with the illustrative matter provide a clear picture of a society in a period of change.

During the years 1175–1425, English society developed in many ways. First published in 1979, England 1175–1425 offers an ideal introduction to the period, presenting as it does a view of a whole society that is derived from a study of economic, social, political, and administrative history. It argues that the later Middle Ages in England saw the creation of a single, integrated society, with a national economy and a national political consciousness, and it shows how this integration came about.The foundations of a unified community are seen in chapters on settlement, on lordship and on the world of ideas, while the development of this community is seen in chapters on political and social themes. The author describes how parliament became the political focus of the nation and stresses the importance of warfare and war taxation in this development. Original features of the book are the integration into a general survey of work on medieval archaeology, and a chapter on ideas which uses a wide range of material to present a picture of the attitudes which governed men’s lives. The Peasants’ Revolt of 1381 demonstrates especially clearly the argument that all classes of society shared similar ideas, and the episode is examined in detail.There is an emphasis throughout on quotations from original sources and these, together with the illustrative matter provide a clear picture of a society in a period of change.

Ranging from soldiers reading newspapers at the front to authors' responses to the war, this book sheds new light on the reading habits and preferences of men and women, combatants and civilians, during the First World War. This is the first study of the conflict from the perspective of readers.

This volume offers a conceptual justification and methodology for comparative studies of education matching developments in the social sciences and other comparative disciplines. It also relates comparative studies of education to the practical business of policy formulation at all levels. Thus it bridges the widening gap between the purely academic world and the world of decision for development. The author draws illustrations from educational reforms, but goes further in suggesting suitable procedures or institutions which might achieve soundly based policies and secure their implementation. He takes account of the planning techniques and achievements of UNESCO, OECD and other international organizations, and examines the activities and aims of national planning for education in a wider perspective of world re-orientation.

Many rail against ‘woke’ ideology. Others dismiss the backlash as a rebranding of conservative concerns. Taking a third way, this book argues that social justice ideology centres identity and direct action and expands concepts of harm, distinguishing it from liberalism. Drawing on the latest datasets, the book offers a sober, evidence-based account of the ideology’s emergence.As women and minorities have gained visibility and new generations have come of age, progressive ideologies have shifted under pressure. Post-2008 economic crises weakened liberalism, giving social justice ideology mass appeal.Amid polarized debates over ‘woke’ culture, this is a vital resource for scholars and students seeking an objective study of social justice ideology beyond the usual culture-war framing.

Many rail against ‘woke’ ideology. Others dismiss the backlash as a rebranding of conservative concerns. Taking a third way, this book argues that social justice ideology centres identity and direct action and expands concepts of harm, distinguishing it from liberalism. Drawing on the latest datasets, the book offers a sober, evidence-based account of the ideology’s emergence.As women and minorities have gained visibility and new generations have come of age, progressive ideologies have shifted under pressure. Post-2008 economic crises weakened liberalism, giving social justice ideology mass appeal.Amid polarized debates over ‘woke’ culture, this is a vital resource for scholars and students seeking an objective study of social justice ideology beyond the usual culture-war framing.

Artistic and cultural preferences are increasingly viewed as political statements, with choices in books, films, and other media often seen as ideological signals. This reflects a growing entanglement of culture and politics, where artistic narratives are coded with deeper societal meanings. At the same time, arts and academic institutions are grappling with their histories of injustice, leading to the widespread adoption of equality, diversity, and inclusion (EDI) policies. Trigger warnings and harm reduction measures have become common in university curricula and museum practices, reflecting a broader focus on justice, inclusivity, and societal accountability.The legacy of neoliberal “audit culture,” with its emphasis on efficiency and “value for money,” has profoundly shaped institutional missions. However, austerity measures and precarious employment conditions have radicalized many within these institutions, driving a shift toward a new model of activist managerialism. This approach emphasizes moral accountability and positions institutions as leaders in addressing social issues, often reframing internal dissent as opportunities for reform and progress.Digital platforms, particularly “academic Twitter” and other online communities, play a crucial role in amplifying discourse and fostering global emotional synchronization. These platforms enable the rapid spread of shared perceptions of crisis and moral urgency, further shaping the narratives of academic and cultural institutions. In response, these institutions increasingly position themselves as critical agents of societal healing and reform, striving to address global challenges while navigating both internal and external pressures.