Frank Oswald – författare

Through the autobiographical perspectives of 16 preeminent researchers and scholars of Environmental Gerontology, this state-of-the-art Annual Review critically examines the broad range of topics that comprise this interdisciplinary field. The writings of these individuals, who have contributed to and shaped the growth of the field over the past three-plus decades, trace the growth and evolution of Environmental Gerontology and provide understanding of, and insights on, the role of environments for older adults and an aging society at multiple levels.The book examines the origins and growth of Environmental Gerontology, how the personal influences and professional choices of each author is linked to its development, the contextual factors influencing its biographical-intellectual evolution, and its potential implications for an aging society. The Review encompasses research and scholarship in diverse scales/contexts of the physical/built environment; diversity of disciplinary backgrounds represented by related social sciences, health sciences, and environmental design; basic/theoretical and applied/policy-oriented research; and more.Key Features:Promotes a critical understanding of the state of science and art in Environmental GerontologyExamines the origin, evolution, development, and future perspective of the field through the unique autobiographical lens of its worldwide pioneersRepresents theoretical/substantive/applied perspectives through the reflections of preeminent scholarsFocuses on intellectual development of pioneers in the field

When we ponder about whether it is time to finish a degree, start a family, or retire, we often draw on age to make an assessment: When are we too young, or too old, to do something – and what age is the right one? Age, thereby, is a central social category for Western societies: more than gender, ethnicity or social status age affects our social position, networks, lifestyles and aspirations.By asking what childhood and ageing research can learn from each other, this edited volume brings both fields into a fruitful dialogue. It touches upon topics like theories and method(olog)ies, space and time, health and care, technologies and digitalization, play, work and consumption, as well as violence, well-being and childrens’ and older peoples’ rights.This volume will appeal to scholars and students interested in childhood studies and ageing studies/gerontology located in a range of disciplines, from sociology to social work, social and cultural anthropology, educational sciences, human geography, architecture, urban planning, architecture, health and disability studies, nursing studies, political sciences and law.

When we ponder about whether it is time to finish a degree, start a family, or retire, we often draw on age to make an assessment: When are we too young, or too old, to do something – and what age is the right one? Age, thereby, is a central social category for Western societies: more than gender, ethnicity or social status age affects our social position, networks, lifestyles and aspirations.By asking what childhood and ageing research can learn from each other, this edited volume brings both fields into a fruitful dialogue. It touches upon topics like theories and method(olog)ies, space and time, health and care, technologies and digitalization, play, work and consumption, as well as violence, well-being and childrens’ and older peoples’ rights.This volume will appeal to scholars and students interested in childhood studies and ageing studies/gerontology located in a range of disciplines, from sociology to social work, social and cultural anthropology, educational sciences, human geography, architecture, urban planning, architecture, health and disability studies, nursing studies, political sciences and law.

Die Ökologische Gerontologie versteht sich innerhalb der Alternsforschung als ein Dach, unter dem sich jene vielfältigen Perspektiven vereinigen lassen, die allesamt alte Menschen in ihrer räumlich-sozialen Umwelt ins Blickfeld nehmen. Allen diesen Perspektiven ist gemeinsam, daß sie das alltägliche Altern fokussieren, sei es in einer eher grundlagen wissenschaftlichen oder in einer eher an gewandten Sicht. Gemeinsam ist ihnen ferner die besondere Hervorhebung des Wohnens im Alter als "dem" Brennpunkt des Alltags alter Menschen, denn alte Menschen verbringen, durch­ schnittlich gesehen, den weitaus größten Teil ihres Alltags in den "eigenen vier Wänden", auch wenn die interindividuellen Unterschiede beträchtlich sind. Gleich­ sam natürlich und zwangsläufig schließt eine solche Schwerpunktsetzung allerdings auch das "Draußen" mit ein: Alltägliches Leben im höheren Lebensalter wird auch in starkem Maße von den Gegebenheiten des Wohnumfelds, seinen Entwicklungs­ möglichkeiten, aber auch Barrieren, fehlenden oder verloren gegangenen Umwelt­ ressourcen mitgeprägt. Die Schließung des Ladens um die Ecke kann die alltägliche Versorgung und damit die Aufrechterhaltung einer selbständigen Lebensführung einer ganzen Gruppe älterer Menschen in einem Stadtteil nachhaltig beeinträchtigten, doch seltsamerweise wird solch ganz konkreten Risiken eines Autonomieverlusts in der Gerontologie bis heute relativ wenig Aufmerksamkeit zuteil. Nicht selten fehlt bei oft recht statischen Charakterisierungen von Problemgruppen alter Menschen (z. B. hochaltrigen Frauen in der Situation des Alleinlebens und mit hoher Multi­ morbidität) die dynamische Komponente der Person-Umwelt-Wechselwirkung, in der sich solche Risikokonstellationen deutlich abschwächen oder abernoch verstärken können.