Gabriel Vommaro – författare

Many contemporary party organizations are failing to fulfill their representational role in contemporary democracies. While political scientists tend to rely on a minimalist definition of political parties (groups of candidates that compete in elections), this volume argues that this misses how parties can differ not only in degree but also in kind. With a new typology of political parties, the authors provide a new analytical tool to address the role of political parties in democratic functioning and political representation. The empirical chapters apply the conceptual framework to analyze seventeen parties across Latin America. The authors are established scholars expert in comparative politics and in the cases included in the volume. The book sets an agenda for future research on parties and representation, and it will appeal to those concerned with the challenges of consolidating stable and programmatic party systems in developing democracies.

Many contemporary party organizations are failing to fulfill their representational role in contemporary democracies. While political scientists tend to rely on a minimalist definition of political parties (groups of candidates that compete in elections), this volume argues that this misses how parties can differ not only in degree but also in kind. With a new typology of political parties, the authors provide a new analytical tool to address the role of political parties in democratic functioning and political representation. The empirical chapters apply the conceptual framework to analyze seventeen parties across Latin America. The authors are established scholars expert in comparative politics and in the cases included in the volume. The book sets an agenda for future research on parties and representation, and it will appeal to those concerned with the challenges of consolidating stable and programmatic party systems in developing democracies.

Many contemporary party organizations are failing to fulfill their representational role in contemporary democracies. While political scientists tend to rely on a minimalist definition of political parties (groups of candidates that compete in elections), this volume argues that this misses how parties can differ not only in degree but also in kind. With a new typology of political parties, the authors provide a new analytical tool to address the role of political parties in democratic functioning and political representation. The empirical chapters apply the conceptual framework to analyze seventeen parties across Latin America. The authors are established scholars expert in comparative politics and in the cases included in the volume. The book sets an agenda for future research on parties and representation, and it will appeal to those concerned with the challenges of consolidating stable and programmatic party systems in developing democracies.

This volume in the Elements series addresses the success of conservative parties in non-authoritarian contexts in contemporary Latin America. It places the core case of Argentina''s Republican Proposal (PRO) party in comparative perspective with Argentina''s Recrear and with Colombia''s Democratic Center (CD) party and the Bolivia''s Social Democratic Movement (MDS) in an effort to understand their differing degrees of success in adverse circumstances. Based on long-term research using a variety of methods, this Element shows that success has been driven by three factors: programmatic innovation by personalistic leaders; organizational mobilization of both core and noncore constituencies; and elite fear of the ''Venezuela model.''

This volume in the Elements series addresses the success of conservative parties in non-authoritarian contexts in contemporary Latin America. It places the core case of Argentina's Republican Proposal (PRO) party in comparative perspective with Argentina's Recrear and with Colombia's Democratic Center (CD) party and the Bolivia's Social Democratic Movement (MDS) in an effort to understand their differing degrees of success in adverse circumstances. Based on long-term research using a variety of methods, this Element shows that success has been driven by three factors: programmatic innovation by personalistic leaders; organizational mobilization of both core and noncore constituencies; and elite fear of the 'Venezuela model.'

This volume in the Elements series addresses the success of conservative parties in non-authoritarian contexts in contemporary Latin America. It places the core case of Argentina''s Republican Proposal (PRO) party in comparative perspective with Argentina''s Recrear and with Colombia''s Democratic Center (CD) party and the Bolivia''s Social Democratic Movement (MDS) in an effort to understand their differing degrees of success in adverse circumstances. Based on long-term research using a variety of methods, this Element shows that success has been driven by three factors: programmatic innovation by personalistic leaders; organizational mobilization of both core and noncore constituencies; and elite fear of the ''Venezuela model.''

This book analyzes the transformation of the political right in Latin America in response to the strengthening of left-wing parties and movements throughout the region. While Latin America's post-2000 left has been widely studied, little is known about right-wing political formations during and after that time. There is a paucity of research on recent phenomena associated with the reorganization of the Right: the polarization of Latin American electorates and elites; the rebranding of pre-existing conservative parties; the creation of new right-wing parties; and the rise of the radical right. This volume provides a comprehensive account of the strategies used by the political right since 2000. It analyzes both the supply side (parties, movements, and personalist vehicles) and the demand side (voters and public opinion) to provide a description and explanation of how the right has recast itself as a new political force across the entire region of Latin America.

This book analyzes the transformation of the political right in Latin America in response to the strengthening of left-wing parties and movements throughout the region. While Latin America's post-2000 left has been widely studied, little is known about right-wing political formations during and after that time. There is a paucity of research on recent phenomena associated with the reorganization of the Right: the polarization of Latin American electorates and elites; the rebranding of pre-existing conservative parties; the creation of new right-wing parties; and the rise of the radical right. This volume provides a comprehensive account of the strategies used by the political right since 2000. It analyzes both the supply side (parties, movements, and personalist vehicles) and the demand side (voters and public opinion) to provide a description and explanation of how the right has recast itself as a new political force across the entire region of Latin America.

This Element analyzes the incorporation of new information and communication technologies (ICTs) by different parties in Latin America to organize volunteers and mobilize supporters during elections. It assesses ICT-related changes in how parties recruit prospective candidates, collect information about citizens' preferences, and mobilize for elections and how these changes have reduced the power of the rank and file within party organizations. Party leaders have an incentive to incorporate new ICTs to increase electoral efficacy and reduce the role of rank-and-file members in performing essential party functions. However, the result of the incorporation of technology depends on leaders' capacity to control the process within the party. Based on case studies of ICT incorporation by various Latin American parties and electoral campaigns, the authors posit that the incorporation of technology will consolidate a power dynamic that predates the adoption of ICTs to fulfill organizational functions.

This Element analyzes the incorporation of new information and communication technologies (ICTs) by different parties in Latin America to organize volunteers and mobilize supporters during elections. It assesses ICT-related changes in how parties recruit prospective candidates, collect information about citizens' preferences, and mobilize for elections and how these changes have reduced the power of the rank and file within party organizations. Party leaders have an incentive to incorporate new ICTs to increase electoral efficacy and reduce the role of rank-and-file members in performing essential party functions. However, the result of the incorporation of technology depends on leaders' capacity to control the process within the party. Based on case studies of ICT incorporation by various Latin American parties and electoral campaigns, the authors posit that the incorporation of technology will consolidate a power dynamic that predates the adoption of ICTs to fulfill organizational functions.

Many contemporary party organizations are failing to fulfill their representational role in contemporary democracies. While political scientists tend to rely on a minimalist definition of political parties (groups of candidates that compete in elections), this volume argues that this misses how parties can differ not only in degree but also in kind. With a new typology of political parties, the authors provide a new analytical tool to address the role of political parties in democratic functioning and political representation. The empirical chapters apply the conceptual framework to analyze seventeen parties across Latin America. The authors are established scholars expert in comparative politics and in the cases included in the volume. The book sets an agenda for future research on parties and representation, and it will appeal to those concerned with the challenges of consolidating stable and programmatic party systems in developing democracies.

En diciembre de 2015 sucedió lo impensado: Mauricio Macri ganó la elección presidencial derrotando al poderoso aparato del PJ. Los seguidores y los opositores coincidieron en subestimar la capacidad de mando del gobierno. ¿Cómo harían estos recién llegados a la alta política para lidiar con un país tan conflictivo? Pasadas las elecciones de medio término, algo se modificó. Cambiemos demostró ser un proyecto con decidida vocación de poder, cuya historia profunda sigue siendo prácticamente desconocida.Quizá por considerarla producto de una operación de marketing exitosa, poco sabemos de la "cocina" de una construcción política que arrancó en 2001 y se profundizó en 2008, al calor de la polarización social y el pánico a la "chavización" del país. Con testimonios de primera mano, Gabriel Vommaro despliega un relato fascinante que recupera los principales hitos y actores de una larga marcha. Así, rastrea los orígenes de PRO y se detiene en los "número uno" de las grandes corporaciones y los profesionales del mundo de las ONG, que le terminaron dando al partido esa identidad "nuevista", supuestamente ajena a los vicios de la política tradicional. Al contar quiénes son y cómo piensan estos hombres y mujeres que pegaron el "salto a la política" después de atravesar muchos puentes (los clubes de membresía exclusiva de las élites, donde se cruzaban políticos con hombres de negocios; las fundaciones, los cursos en universidades privadas), este libro muestra un costado invisible hasta ahora: cuán intenso fue el proceso de movilización, proselitismo, organización y politización que está en la base de Cambiemos y que explica parte de su potencia.Si estamos frente a un partido que, nos guste o no, redefinió más de un aspecto del modo de hacer política y llegó para quedarse, es importante entender de dónde viene y cómo es. Gabriel Vommaro hace un aporte original e imprescindible en esta dirección descorriendo el telón para mostrarnos un mundo en buena medida secreto.

No hay duda de que Juntos por el Cambio encarna hoy un proyecto de centroderecha vital, con candidatos competitivos y su sueño refundacional intacto. Con ese sueño asumió el gobierno en 2015, buscando barrer con el país peronista, pero se encontró con la Argentina real, sus actores y sus problemas. Este libro explica las razones profundas del fracaso del programa reformista que buscó una transformación económica y cultural del país y analiza cuáles son hoy las condiciones sociopolíticas para que una coalición de centroderecha oriente a la sociedad en el sentido que quiere.Si en 2015 el triunfo de Cambiemos tuvo mucho que ver con la moderación del discurso y la promesa de mantener muchas de las conquistas sociales del ciclo anterior, en 2023 notamos cómo crece la identificación con la derecha por parte de la sociedad y hasta qué punto las opciones de centro se ven tensionadas por los referentes libertarios, que corren cada vez más explícitamente el horizonte de lo que puede decirse y hacerse. ¿Qué chances tiene el sueño persistente de la Argentina liberal? ¿Qué aprendió Juntos por el Cambio de su paso por el poder? ¿Tratará de recuperar la lección de la moderación para buscar un consenso político, o de endurecer la estrategia para hacer "lo mismo pero más rápido"? ¿Qué resistencias puede encontrar un proyecto de desregulación económica, apertura de los mercados y disciplinamiento de los agentes sociales organizados y sus demandas redistributivas? Tras años de agotamiento social, ¿cómo reaccionarán los sectores más afectados?Por primera vez en la historia del país, la derecha tiene innegable centralidad en el tablero político y electoral y sigue buscando su momentum para que los viejos sueños se hagan realidad. En una apuesta magistral de reconstrucción histórica y reflexión política, Mariana Gené y Gabriel Vommaro hacen un aporte imprescindible para entender cabalmente, en una época marcada por la polarización y el descontento creciente con las élites, qué límites y posibilidades tendría una coalición de derecha para poner en práctica reformas de gran alcance.

En América Latina, las calles y las redes son caja de resonancia de un descontento social generalizado y de un creciente cuestionamiento a la democracia: protestas callejeras y paros contra medidas gubernamentales; manifestaciones a favor o en contra de presidentes, congresos y tribunales; encendidas campañas pro- y antiderechos. ¿Alcanza con hablar de polarización y antipolítica, o hay que refinar los conceptos para comprender mejor de qué se quejan quienes se quejan y por qué votan como lo hacen? Este libro traza algunas coordenadas para caracterizar y distinguir las formas de ese hartazgo social, y potenciar la búsqueda de salidas sin anteojeras analíticas. Así, aporta tres escenarios: la polarización ideológico-afectiva, en la que el adversario se presenta como el responsable de todos los problemas mientras que los propios son quienes pueden resolverlos (como en Brasil, Uruguay y la Argentina); el descontento generalizado, en el que las élites políticas son percibidas como separadas y hasta contrarias a los intereses de las mayorías sociales (como en Colombia, Chile y Perú), y la polarización centrada en la irrupción de un líder, un outsider que propone un futuro promisorio asociado a su figura (como AMLO en México y Bukele en El Salvador). La variedad de escenarios de conflicto tiene sin embargo un marco común: las crisis de las izquierdas latinoamericanas no termina y las derechas radicales lo están aprovechando con líderes capaces de encarnar el descontento. La pregunta, inquietante, está abierta: ¿se está construyendo un nuevo consenso organizado por la ultraderecha, o atravesamos solo un nuevo capítulo de un tiempo de agitación y frustraciones sin final a la vista?