Gérard Raulet – författare

Globalization is more than an economic or geopolitical matter; it is above all a new (political) culture. Like the Kantian revolution in the 18th century, our "global" moment urgently requires philosophical inquiry to determine if it represents a 20th century revolution in thinking. Critical Cosmology takes up the task of establishing the much needed philosophical tools to "think" globalization by reading Kant's re-foundation of cosmopolitanism as a political, not moral, text. Raulet, in committing himself to a close study of this late capitalist global moment, gets us to a much-needed cosmology of 21st century "globalization." The world's economic evolution has continually challenged some of our most basic modern concepts, especially the recognition of the rights of nations. This evolution has also created a need for recognizing the rights of citizens and others participating in the growth of the world's economies. In neither the service of a prescriptive morality nor in the service of any one specific cultural, political, or intellectual ideology Gérard Raulet investigates the construction of a public space that can accommodate global citizenship. Through a unique and massive genealogy of political thinkers Raulet, like no other contemporary critic, begins the process of carving out the social, cultural, and political space that will come to accommodate the common activity of an emerging global culture. A brilliant and unique investigation of our contemporary political moment this will affect political thinkers of every variety and, especially, those who are concerned with conflict and peace studies, the development of nations and nation-states, and human rights on a national and international scale

The deep economic crisis that Europe has been facing for several years can be seen as both a cause and a consequence of the political indecision with which the European Community or European Union has been living for so long now. The end-goal of this unique political project has never been clarified. While its objective – to guarantee peace, security, justice and wealth – was certainly explicit from the start and has been repeated in the various treaties underlying the Community or Union, the institutional and political means necessary to attain these goals have so far remained undetermined. In these times of turmoil, this lack of clarity turns out to be a latent defect within the EU.The issue of European constitutionalism paradigmatically illustrates the conceptual, political and legal difficulties that confront us when we try to define the EU and imagine its possible developments and transformations. It emphasizes one of the paradoxes of the European project: it is unable to develop without constitutionalizing the European legal framework but also unable to find the appropriate manner in which to do so, or gain the support of the European peoples. These difficulties are caused by a variety of historical, conceptual and legal factors, which the present volume attempts to identify and discuss.

Au cours des soixante dernières années, l’Europe s’est construite comme espace politique, juridique et économique. Mais ce processus n’a pas été accompagné par la construction d’un espace public européen, en dépit de la volonté de ses pères fondateurs, qui voulaient créer en Europe un espace culturel commun, reconnu comme tel par ses citoyens. À l’heure actuelle où, à travers internet et les réseaux sociaux, l’espace public européen est en train de se reconfigurer, le moment est venu d’une réflexion globale – à la fois historique et méthodologique – sur cet espace. Quand un espace public européen est-il apparu pour la première fois dans l’histoire ? Quels ont été les institutions, les événements, les évolutions qui, à partir du Moyen Âge, ont permis de concevoir et de percevoir l’Europe comme un espace commun – un espace public ? Comment, et par qui, a été occupé l’espace public en Europe aux différents moments de l’histoire ? Dans quelle mesure les découvertes géographiques et la rencontre avec d’autres cultures ont-elles renforcé la perception de l’Europe en tant qu’espace commun et public ? Comment l’espace public européen va-t-il se configurer dans l’avenir ? Le présent ouvrage rassemble les contributions de spécialistes (historiens, philosophes, historiens du droit, sociologues) au Labex EHNE, Écrire une Histoire Nouvelle de l’Europe.Over the last sixty years, Europe has been built as a political, legal and economic space. Nevertheless, this process has not been accompanied by the construction of a European public sphere, despite the will of its founders, who wanted to create a European cultural area, recognized as such by its citizens. Now that, through the internet and social networks, the European public space is in the process of reconfiguring, it is time for a comprehensive reflection – both historical and methodological – on this space. When did a European public space appear for the first time in history? What were the institutions, events, developments from the Middle Ages, helped design and perceive Europe as a common sphere – a public space? How, and by whom, was occupied public space in Europe at different times in history? How geographical discoveries and encounters with other cultures have they strengthened the perception of Europe as a common and public? How will the European public space be set in the future? This book gathers essays from specialists (historians, philosophers, legal historians, sociologists) at Labex EHNE, Écrire une Histoire Nouvelle de l’Europe.

Die deutschen Intellektuellen der zwanziger Jahre werden gemeinhin sauber geschieden in links und rechts, Republikaner und Antirepublikaner, Verfechter der Moderne und Vertreter der Tradition. Die gängigen Darstellungskriterien entziehen sich dabei meistens dem spezifischen Problem der Vermengung, Überlagerung und Durchdringung der Intellektuellendiskurse in der Weimarer Republik. Hier wird der Anspruch erhoben, gerade dieser Gemengelage gerecht zu werden. Diese neubearbeitete und erweiterte Ausgabe des erstmals 1994 erschienenen Sammelbandes enthält eine umfassende Einleitung über die Problematik der Intelligenz in der Zwischenkriegszeit sowie neue Beiträge über Benjamin, Adorno, Karl Mannheim und Carl Schmitt.

Dieses Buch ist keine Geschichte der politischen Philosophie, sondern eine Geschichte der politischen Philosophiegeschichte. Das ist ein großer Unterschied: Es werden nicht Systeme vorgestellt, sondern Diskursstrategien erkundet. Untersucht wird die Art und Weise, wie die politische Wissenschaft ihre Geschichte schreibt und zu diesem Zweck die politische Ideengeschichtsschreibung ggfs. auch zu politischen Zwecken mobilisiert. Insbesondere wird dadurch der Siegeszug des Liberalismus im okzidentalen Denken diskursanalytisch dargelegt.

El presente libro estudia la evolución de los sistemas de pensamiento de la última mitad del siglo XX en Alemania. Desde su restauración en las primeras décadas de la RFA y la RDA hasta los debates actuales sobre el liberalismo y el comunitarismo, la filosofía alemana se ha venido replanteando su concepción de la Bildung y de una cultura atemporal.

Oswald Spenglers Denken bleibt kontrovers. Nichtsdestoweniger regen die Ansichten des Zeitdiagnostikers und Kulturphilosophen, trotz der Gefährlichkeit, die man ihnen öfters nachsagt, bis heute zum Nachdenken an. Die hier versammelten Studien bemühen sich, den Stellenwert seiner Philosophie im Kontext des Historismus zu vergegenwärtigen und Aspekte der zeitgenössischen Rezeption zu beleuchten.