Gordon McKelvie – författare

A fresh look at the idea of bastard feudalism, deploying little-used records to provide new insights.Regulation of the distribution of liveries and the practice of retaining, which underpinned the so-called system of bastard feudalism in late medieval England, are the subject of this book. Rather than relying primarily on the records of noble estates, as much previous scholarship has done, it draws on the records of the court of King's Bench, covering all 336 known cases of illegal livery and retaining over 130 years. The author examines the political events and legal processes surrounding illegal livery, by exploring the nature of the legislation and its enforcement, particularly the relationship between law-making in parliament and law-enforcement in the localities. The wider social and cultural contexts in which the statutes operated are also investigated, along with the legal processes and outcomes of the cases. Finally, the book considers the importance of retaining in the numerous acts of magnate violence during the fifteenth century, how they shaped the Wars of the Roses and the ways in which Henry VII accepted most noble retaining, save the most extreme cases.Dr GORDON MCKELVIE is a lecturer in History at the University of Winchester

A valuable resource on the social and economic life of medieval EnglandInquisitions post mortem are the single most important source for the history of medieval English landed society and are indispensable to social, economic, and political historians of the later middle ages; they were compiled with the help of jurors from the area, as a county-by-county record of a deceased individual's land-holdings and associated rights, where the individual held land directly of the crown. It is this explicit connection with land and locality - in economic, social, political, and topographical terms - that makes these documents of such comprehensive interest.This volume calendars the inquisitions and related documents from the short reigns of Edward V and Richard III, from the protectorate to the battle of Bosworth (1483-1485). It looks at 101 individuals across 181 inquisitions and includes valuable information and detailed returns on the estates of the greater aristocracy, among them Henry Bourchier, earl of Essex and William Lord Hastings [d. 1483], alongside lesser landholders, jurors' names and full manorial extents. The volume incorporates not only inquisitions post mortem but also assignments of dower and a proof of age from across the counties of England and the Marches of Wales. It is especially rich in inquisitions relating to the lands of the royal justices and widowed dowagers and documents how many landholders had conveyed lands to trustees, thus escaping royal wardship and prompting remedial legislation by Richard's parliament. Standard information includes medieval descriptions of towns and villages and the charting of land and its descent at all social levels. The volume also provides comprehensive indexes of jurors, persons, places, and subjects.

Essays exploring the dynamics of rebellion across Europe - from Sweden and Slovakia to the Iberian Peninsula and Hungary - over five centuries.Rebellion was a fundamental part of the political ecosystem of the Middle Ages. Medieval Europe witnessed numerous instances of noble rebellion, popular protest and communal resistance against political authority. However, most scholarship has focused on the causes and/or life cycle of the most famous individual movements, such as the Barons' War in England, the Hussites in Bohemia and the Burgundian-Armagnac conflict in France, and there has been relatively little comparative analysis of political protest across both time and "national" borders. Where it exists, it tends to favour a thematic approach and be narrowly focused in terms of geographical coverage. Conversely, this book breaks new ground in its wide geographical and chronological range, from twelfth-century Sicily to late fifteenth-century Ireland, exploring the various forms that active resistance could take. Its essays offer fresh perspectives on rebellion: as a political act, its theoretical justifications, the role of language and propaganda, the royal counter-responses that it provoked, and its ramifications, both personal and communal. Together they shine a new light on the complex interrelationship between legal authority, violence and politics, and significantly enhance our understanding of rebellion during this period.

This book is the first sustained analysis of popular politics in Scotland during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Despite the long-running historiography on popular protests in both England and continental Europe, there has been little discussion of this phenomenon in Scotland, in part because historians specialising in Scotland have paid little attention to the phenomenon of popular revolt, save an occasional comment in wider studies. There were no large-scale popular uprisings in Scotland, like the Peasants’ Revolt in England, the Jacquerie in France, or the Ciompi in Florence, but that does not mean that the wider populace was not politically engaged. Indeed, many of the key sources for late medieval Scotland, including The Bruce, Scotichronicon, The Dethe of the Kynge of Scotis and the records of the Scottish parliament, all contain hints of popular political engagement. It is only when these sources are read with a focus on the lower echelons of society that a clearer picture—of a populace with political ideals they sought to uphold—emerges.

This book is the first sustained analysis of popular politics in Scotland during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Despite the long-running historiography on popular protests in both England and continental Europe, there has been little discussion of this phenomenon in Scotland, in part because historians specialising in Scotland have paid little attention to the phenomenon of popular revolt, save an occasional comment in wider studies. There were no large-scale popular uprisings in Scotland, like the Peasants’ Revolt in England, the Jacquerie in France, or the Ciompi in Florence, but that does not mean that the wider populace was not politically engaged. Indeed, many of the key sources for late medieval Scotland, including The Bruce, Scotichronicon, The Dethe of the Kynge of Scotis and the records of the Scottish parliament, all contain hints of popular political engagement. It is only when these sources are read with a focus on the lower echelons of society that a clearer picture—of a populace with political ideals they sought to uphold—emerges.