James J. Barnes – författare

Why would a journalist who was an ardent socialist and an anti-Nazi during the waning years of the Weimar Republic decide to go to work for the Gestapo abroad? Hans Wesemann, a veteran of World War I and a successful journalist, fled his native Germany in 1933 after writing a number of anti-Nazi articles. Once in Britain, he found life difficult and dull, and thus, for a number of reasons, agreed to furnish the German Embassy in London with information about other refugees. Inevitably, Wesemann became ensnared in his own treachery and suffered the consequences.During the volatile and experimental years of the Weimar Republic, Wesemann applied his urbanity and cynicism to the analysis of politics, high culture, and popular beliefs. He dared not remain in Germany once Hitler came to power. Once working as a Gestapo agent, he was implicated in the kidnapping of a German exile onto German territory and spent considerable time in a Swiss prison. Although he was eventually freed and able to join his fianc^D'ee in Venezuela, his unsavory past would continue to haunt him in South America and later in the United States,

English-language translations of Hitler's Mein Kampf during the 1930s raise a number of perplexing questions. Why did a translation not appear in Britain and America until October 1933, seven years after it had first been published in Germany and nine months after Hitler had come to power? When it appeared, why was it only an abridgment rather than the full text? Was it true, as some alleged, that the Nazis severely censored this version? Who was the translator, and why was his name absent from the English edition? When the complete text finally appeared in March 1939, why were there not only two American editions but a separate English edition as well? Did Hitler oppose publishing the entire text in foreign editions, or was its appearance delayed because the publishers felt that such a long and tedious autobiography was of limited public interest? These are the kinds of puzzling queries that intrigued the authors of this book.

First published in 1974, Authors, Publishers and Politicians describes the efforts to secure an Anglo-American copyright agreement. It explores the underlying causes of the failure of this quest, a failure which enabled literary pirates on both sides of the Atlantic to continue operations for another forty years. It traces the effects this had on the writers and producers of books as well as their reading public. Few aspects of Anglo-American relations were untouched by the drama presented in this study. Its broader implications range from straightforward business transactions, official diplomatic manoeuvres, endless legal complexities, and clandestine political intrigue to the peculiarities involved in book smuggling, newspaper rivalries and industrial espionage. The book will be of interest to students of legal history, publishing and literature.

First published in 1974, Authors, Publishers and Politicians describes the efforts to secure an Anglo-American copyright agreement. It explores the underlying causes of the failure of this quest, a failure which enabled literary pirates on both sides of the Atlantic to continue operations for another forty years. It traces the effects this had on the writers and producers of books as well as their reading public. Few aspects of Anglo-American relations were untouched by the drama presented in this study. Its broader implications range from straightforward business transactions, official diplomatic manoeuvres, endless legal complexities, and clandestine political intrigue to the peculiarities involved in book smuggling, newspaper rivalries and industrial espionage. The book will be of interest to students of legal history, publishing and literature.

Eyewitness accounts of the War of Independence by British observers and participants. The letters in this collection were written mostly by British military officers and diplomats reporting directly to their superiors in London. Many of the writers were actively engaged in fighting the Americans from 1775 until 1783; others were colonial administrators traveling through North America assessing the progress of British troops. Beginning with reports of the surprisingly violent American response at the battles of Lexington and Concord, these letters by British army officers and soldiers initially conveyed supreme confidence. Likewise, correspondents in the Royal Navy had no reason to doubt their ultimate victory, since they understood themselves to be the world’s most formidable commercial and military fleet.As the Revolution proceeded, the colonists confounded the British by issuing Letters of Marque to the owners of privately held ships, which enabled them to supplement the modest colonial navy with privateers that attacked and disrupted British supply lines, cutting off needed reinforcements and provisions, including food that the colonists refused to provide. Other unorthodox tactics followed, causing increasing concern among the British, including the eventual fate of many Loyalists, some of whom had fought alongside British troops. What would befall these allies if America actually achieved independence?The near-daily reports in this engrossing two-volume collection enable us to appreciate the familiar drama of American independence from a different standpoint, one not widely studied. Little-known details emerge, such as the fact that King George III seriously considered abdicating the throne at least twice should independence be granted to America.The American Revolution through British Eyes is sure to captivate anyone with an interest in America’s struggle for independence.

Once war broke out in September 1930 the Nazi Party newspaper, Völkischer Beobachter, sent its first representative to London. Soon afterwards, German residents in London established an Ortsgruppe, or local Nazi group, which provided Party members with a place to congregate and support the new movement. By 1933, more than 100 members belonged to the London group. The Nazis in pre-war London created a dilemma for the Foreign Office and the Home Office, who were divided as to how best to treat residents whose allegiance was to the German Reich. Some felt that all Nazi organizations should be banned, and Party Members should not be allowed to enter the UK. Others, including MI5, argued that it would be easier to keep track of Nazis if they were in-country. Previously unpublished German documents reveal the fate of German diplomats, journalists, and professionals, many of whom were interned in Britain or deported to Nazi Germany once war broke out on 3 September 1939. Nazis in Pre-War London is the first book to study the history of the Nazis in Britain. An Appendix lists the details concerning the nearly 400 German Party members, as well as Nazi journalists, who spent time in Britain prior to the war.