John J. Davenport – författare

In the last two decades, interest in narrative conceptions of identity has grown exponentially, though there is little agreement about what a "life-narrative" might be. In connecting Kierkegaard with virtue ethics, several scholars have recently argued that narrative models of selves and MacIntyre''s concept of the unity of a life help make sense of Kierkegaard''s existential stages and, in particular, explain the transition from "aesthetic" to "ethical" modes of life. But others have recently raised difficult questions both for these readings of Kierkegaard and for narrative accounts of identity that draw on the work of MacIntyre in general. While some of these objections concern a strong kind of unity or "wholeheartedness" among an agent''s long-term goals or cares, the fundamental objection raised by critics is that personal identity cannot be a narrative, since stories are artifacts made by persons. In this book, Davenport defends the narrative approach to practical identity and autonomy in general, and to Kierkegaard''s stages in particular.

In the last two decades, interest in narrative conceptions of identity has grown exponentially, though there is little agreement about what a "life-narrative" might be. In connecting Kierkegaard with virtue ethics, several scholars have recently argued that narrative models of selves and MacIntyre''s concept of the unity of a life help make sense of Kierkegaard''s existential stages and, in particular, explain the transition from "aesthetic" to "ethical" modes of life. But others have recently raised difficult questions both for these readings of Kierkegaard and for narrative accounts of identity that draw on the work of MacIntyre in general. While some of these objections concern a strong kind of unity or "wholeheartedness" among an agent''s long-term goals or cares, the fundamental objection raised by critics is that personal identity cannot be a narrative, since stories are artifacts made by persons. In this book, Davenport defends the narrative approach to practical identity and autonomy in general, and to Kierkegaard''s stages in particular.

In the 21st century, as the peoples of the world grow more closely tied together, the question of real transnational government will finally have to be faced.

The end of the Cold War has not brought the peace, freedom from atrocities, and decline of tyranny for which we hoped. It is also clearer now that problems like economic risks, tax havens, and environmental degradation arising with global markets are far outstripping the governance capacities of our 20th century system of distinct nation-states, even when they try to work together through intergovernmental agreements and organized bureaucracies of specialists.

This work defends a cosmopolitan approach to global justice by arguing for new ways to combine the strengths of democratic nations in order to prevent mass atrocities and to secure other global public goods (GPGs). While protecting cultural pluralism, Davenport argues that a Democratic League would provide a legal order capable of uniting the strength and inspiring moral vision of democratic nations to improve international security, stop mass atrocities, assist developing nations in overcoming corruption and poverty, and, in time, potentially address other global challenges in finance, environmental sustainability, stable food supplies, immigration, and so on.

This work will be of great interest to students and scholars of international relations, international organizations, philosophy and global justice.

In the 21st century, as the peoples of the world grow more closely tied together, the question of real transnational government will finally have to be faced.

The end of the Cold War has not brought the peace, freedom from atrocities, and decline of tyranny for which we hoped. It is also clearer now that problems like economic risks, tax havens, and environmental degradation arising with global markets are far outstripping the governance capacities of our 20th century system of distinct nation-states, even when they try to work together through intergovernmental agreements and organized bureaucracies of specialists.

This work defends a cosmopolitan approach to global justice by arguing for new ways to combine the strengths of democratic nations in order to prevent mass atrocities and to secure other global public goods (GPGs). While protecting cultural pluralism, Davenport argues that a Democratic League would provide a legal order capable of uniting the strength and inspiring moral vision of democratic nations to improve international security, stop mass atrocities, assist developing nations in overcoming corruption and poverty, and, in time, potentially address other global challenges in finance, environmental sustainability, stable food supplies, immigration, and so on.

This work will be of great interest to students and scholars of international relations, international organizations, philosophy and global justice.

The institutional fabric of our nation is afflicted by divisive politics. Trust in Congress and the Supreme Court has reached new lows, and a tsunami of misinformation and vote suppression is causing many Americans to lose faith in the electoral process itself. These problems can no longer be solved simply by winning elections: gridlock in both the Senate and House, together with judicial vetoes, block most legal reforms for which majorities of Americans vote. Constitutional amendments are the only way out that can restore our government’s capacity to solve problems and rebuild faith among citizens that they can actively participate in effective democratic processes. This book sets out a moderate, centrist agenda to achieve this goal, setting out the problems and solutions in clear language accessible to non-experts. Steering clear of the sharp political divides, Davenport describes 25 procedural amendments that a majority of Americans can consider to fix the deepest flaws in our constitutional design. He also argues that a new national convention called by the states offers the best chance to break the logjam and restore the politics of effective compromise.