An ideology is sweeping Europe and the world which threatens democracy and the rule of law. The post-national ideology, which posits that nation-states are no longer capable of running their own affairs in a modern, interdependent economy, confuses the constitution of a state with the power of its government, and ignores the importance of the sense of community essential to any democratic debate. A rigorous synthesis of historical and philosophical arguments, THE TAINTED SOURCE is a powerful appeal in favour of the constitutional foundations of the liberal order. Post-national structures - multinational companies, ''region-states'' and supranational organisations such as the European Union - are corrosive of liberal values, to such an extent that John Laughland makes it devastatingly clear that the post-national ideology formed a crucial core of Nazi economic and political thinking. Like the European ideology of today, it was predicted on dissolving the nation-state and the liberal order.

The modern use of international tribunals to try heads of state for genocide and crimes against humanity is often considered a positive development. Many people think that the establishment of special courts to prosecute notorious dictators represents a triumph of law over impunity. In A History of Political Trials, John Laughland takes a very different and controversial view. He shows that trials of heads of state are in fact not new, and that previous trials throughout history have themselves violated the law and due process. It is the historical account which carries the argument. By examining trials of heads of state and government throughout history – figures as different as Charles I, Louis XVI, Erich Honecker, Saddam Hussein and Charles Taylor – Laughland shows that modern trials of heads of state have ugly historical precedents. In their different ways, all the trials he describes were marked by arbitrariness and injustice, and many were gross exercises in hypocrisy. Political trials, he finds, are only the continuation of war by other means. With short and easy chapters, but the fruit of formidable erudition and wide reading, this book will force the general reader to re-examine prevailing opinions on this subject.

Slobodan Milosevic died in prison in 2006 during a four-year marathon trial at The Hague for war crimes. John Laughland was one of the last Western journalists to meet him. He followed the trial from the beginning and wrote extensively on it, challenging the legitimacy of the Yugoslav Tribunal and the hypocrisy of 'international justice' in the Guardian and the Spectator.In this book Laughland gives a full account of the trial, which was the longest criminal trial in history. From the moment the indictment was issued at the height of NATO's attack on Yugoslavia to the day of Milosevic's mysterious death in custody. 'International justice' is supposed to hold war criminals to account but, as the trials of both Milosevic and Saddam Hussein show, the indictments are politically motivated and the judicial procedures are irredeemably corrupt. Laughland argues that international justice is an impossible dream and that such show trials are little more than a propaganda exercise designed to distract attention from the war crimes committed by Western states.

In tracing Friedrich von Schelling's long philosophical development, John Laughland examines in particular his disentanglement from German idealism and his reaction, later in life, against Hegel. He argues that this story has relevance beyond the facts themselves and that it explains much about the direction philosophy took in the century between the French Revolution and the rise of Communism. Schelling's development turned principally on the related questions of human liberty and the creation. Following a sharp disagreement with his old friend Hegel over the Phenomenology in 1807, Schelling wrote a short but brilliant essay on human freedom in 1809, after which he never published another word. In the remaining decades of his life (d. 1854) Schelling developed in an increasingly conservative and Christian direction, preoccupied with the relationship between Christianity and metaphysics. In numerous lectures and unpublished works, he attacked what he saw as the hubris and artificiality of Hegelian rationalism. However the path against which Schelling warned was the one which philosophy finally took. Schelling was determined to show how philosophy (especially ontology) explained and was explained by Christianity, and that both had been damaged by modern rationalism. But Hegel’s Marxist epigones who attended his later lectures scoffed and Hegelianism triumphed. This is an elegantly written and engaging study in the history of ideas of a philosopher on the losing side.

In tracing Friedrich von Schelling's long philosophical development, John Laughland examines in particular his disentanglement from German idealism and his reaction, later in life, against Hegel. He argues that this story has relevance beyond the facts themselves and that it explains much about the direction philosophy took in the century between the French Revolution and the rise of Communism. Schelling's development turned principally on the related questions of human liberty and the creation. Following a sharp disagreement with his old friend Hegel over the Phenomenology in 1807, Schelling wrote a short but brilliant essay on human freedom in 1809, after which he never published another word. In the remaining decades of his life (d. 1854) Schelling developed in an increasingly conservative and Christian direction, preoccupied with the relationship between Christianity and metaphysics. In numerous lectures and unpublished works, he attacked what he saw as the hubris and artificiality of Hegelian rationalism. However the path against which Schelling warned was the one which philosophy finally took. Schelling was determined to show how philosophy (especially ontology) explained and was explained by Christianity, and that both had been damaged by modern rationalism. But Hegel’s Marxist epigones who attended his later lectures scoffed and Hegelianism triumphed. This is an elegantly written and engaging study in the history of ideas of a philosopher on the losing side.

In tracing Friedrich von Schelling''s long philosophical development, John Laughland examines in particular his disentanglement from German idealism and his reaction, later in life, against Hegel. He argues that this story has relevance beyond the facts themselves and that it explains much about the direction philosophy took in the century between the French Revolution and the rise of Communism. Schelling''s development turned principally on the related questions of human liberty and the creation. Following a sharp disagreement with his old friend Hegel over the Phenomenology in 1807, Schelling wrote a short but brilliant essay on human freedom in 1809, after which he never published another word. In the remaining decades of his life (d. 1854) Schelling developed in an increasingly conservative and Christian direction, preoccupied with the relationship between Christianity and metaphysics. In numerous lectures and unpublished works, he attacked what he saw as the hubris and artificiality of Hegelian rationalism. However the path against which Schelling warned was the one which philosophy finally took. Schelling was determined to show how philosophy (especially ontology) explained and was explained by Christianity, and that both had been damaged by modern rationalism. But Hegel’s Marxist epigones who attended his later lectures scoffed and Hegelianism triumphed. This is an elegantly written and engaging study in the history of ideas of a philosopher on the losing side.

In tracing Friedrich von Schelling''s long philosophical development, John Laughland examines in particular his disentanglement from German idealism and his reaction, later in life, against Hegel. He argues that this story has relevance beyond the facts themselves and that it explains much about the direction philosophy took in the century between the French Revolution and the rise of Communism. Schelling''s development turned principally on the related questions of human liberty and the creation. Following a sharp disagreement with his old friend Hegel over the Phenomenology in 1807, Schelling wrote a short but brilliant essay on human freedom in 1809, after which he never published another word. In the remaining decades of his life (d. 1854) Schelling developed in an increasingly conservative and Christian direction, preoccupied with the relationship between Christianity and metaphysics. In numerous lectures and unpublished works, he attacked what he saw as the hubris and artificiality of Hegelian rationalism. However the path against which Schelling warned was the one which philosophy finally took. Schelling was determined to show how philosophy (especially ontology) explained and was explained by Christianity, and that both had been damaged by modern rationalism. But Hegel’s Marxist epigones who attended his later lectures scoffed and Hegelianism triumphed. This is an elegantly written and engaging study in the history of ideas of a philosopher on the losing side.

Slobodan Milosevic died in prison in 2006 during a four-year marathon trial at The Hague for war crimes. John Laughland was one of the last Western journalists to meet him. He followed the trial from the beginning and wrote extensively on it, challenging the legitimacy of the Yugoslav Tribunal and the hypocrisy of ''international justice'' in the Guardian and the Spectator.In this book Laughland gives a full account of the trial, which was the longest criminal trial in history. From the moment the indictment was issued at the height of NATO''s attack on Yugoslavia to the day of Milosevic''s mysterious death in custody. ''International justice'' is supposed to hold war criminals to account but, as the trials of both Milosevic and Saddam Hussein show, the indictments are politically motivated and the judicial procedures are irredeemably corrupt. Laughland argues that international justice is an impossible dream and that such show trials are little more than a propaganda exercise designed to distract attention from the war crimes committed by Western states.

How to Love a Child and Other Selected Works is the first comprehensive collection of Korczak's works translated into English. It contains his most important pedagogical writings, journal articles, as well as private texts. Volume 1 comprises three pedagogical works, the first being How to Love a Child. This is a tetralogy presenting the life of a child in a family from birth to puberty, the challenges of raising children in childcare institutions, Korczak's first practical experiences gained while working at summer camps and a detailed account of his work at the Orphans' Home—the orphanage where he was the headmaster. The second work, The Events of Childrearing, is based on the notes he wrote down during his observations of children made in kindergarten and at school. These are the events of children's everyday life: conversations and interactions as well as moments of solitary reflection, carefully recorded and thoroughly interpreted. The third, A Child's Right to Respect, is an ardent manifesto for children's rights such as the right to be what they actually are, to live an aware and responsible life today and to respect for the hard work of growing. Korczak's writing is characterized by uncompromising views, acute observations, subtle reflection, and, above all, love for children. All written in his distinctive style combining poetic metaphor with pedagogical reflection, a lofty turn of phrase with the mundanity of everyday life and humor with scholarly rigor.

Based on a volume of Outre-Terre, the leading journal of geopolitics, this book is a collection of articles by top decision-makers and opinion-formers reflecting all points of view within Israel. It includes exclusive articles by Ariel Sharon and Shimon Peres; as well as an array of articles from all points of view within Israel. Many of the articles are illustrated with maps, as is essential for any journal of geopolitics, especially when dealing with such important territorial issues as in Israel.

Based on a volume of Outre-Terre, the leading journal of geopolitics, this book is a collection of articles by top decision-makers and opinion-formers reflecting all points of view within Israel. It includes exclusive articles by Ariel Sharon and Shimon Peres; as well as an array of articles from all points of view within Israel. Many of the articles are illustrated with maps, as is essential for any journal of geopolitics, especially when dealing with such important territorial issues as in Israel.

This second book in the series Geopolitical Affairs concentrates on migration in the twenty-first century. Migration will be one of the biggest issues in world geopolitics in the years to come. Huge population flows are one of the key phenomena of the contemporary world. The book addresses the following questions: --- Kofi Annan's concept of the 'globalisation of the globe' and of his idea that nation-states have had their day: do the world's major institutions share this view? What is the view of the Holy See, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and non-governmental organisations? --- The increasing problem of 'Eurabia': opinion polls in the United Kingdom, Germany, and the Netherlands show that societies are divided while politically correct ideas are imposed. Countries are in the process of disappearing. What is the relationship between established right-wing parties and nationalist right-wing parties? Will the conflict between the two be the principal political conflict in years to come? --- There is a debate in the Arab world on migration. What is the relationship between Arab Africa and Black Africa, between North and South? What is the purpose of Euro-Mediterranean summits? Is immigration an arm in the hands of the Maghreb (North Africa) and the Mashreq (the Arabic-speaking counties East of Egypt)? --- Africa itself is ever more destabilised by migratory flows. Political elites remain settled while ordinary people undertake ever more dangerous migrations in search of a better life. The Ivory Coast and Liberia are cases in point. What is the point of view of Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali, Ghana, and Liberia on the crisis in Ivory Coast? And what about the situation in Darfur and Chad: is the refugee crisis there being manipulated for political purposes? --- Is there a conflict between East and South? Western Europe has seen immigration from Africa and Eastern Europe. What is the relationship between migrants and the Mafia, especially people traffi

This second book in the series Geopolitical Affairs concentrates on migration in the twenty-first century. Migration will be one of the biggest issues in world geopolitics in the years to come. Huge population flows are one of the key phenomena of the contemporary world. The book addresses the following questions: --- Kofi Annan's concept of the 'globalisation of the globe' and of his idea that nation-states have had their day: do the world's major institutions share this view? What is the view of the Holy See, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and non-governmental organisations? --- The increasing problem of 'Eurabia': opinion polls in the United Kingdom, Germany, and the Netherlands show that societies are divided while politically correct ideas are imposed. Countries are in the process of disappearing. What is the relationship between established right-wing parties and nationalist right-wing parties? Will the conflict between the two be the principal political conflict in years to come? --- There is a debate in the Arab world on migration. What is the relationship between Arab Africa and Black Africa, between North and South? What is the purpose of Euro-Mediterranean summits? Is immigration an arm in the hands of the Maghreb (North Africa) and the Mashreq (the Arabic-speaking counties East of Egypt)? --- Africa itself is ever more destabilised by migratory flows. Political elites remain settled while ordinary people undertake ever more dangerous migrations in search of a better life. The Ivory Coast and Liberia are cases in point. What is the point of view of Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali, Ghana, and Liberia on the crisis in Ivory Coast? And what about the situation in Darfur and Chad: is the refugee crisis there being manipulated for political purposes? --- Is there a conflict between East and South? Western Europe has seen immigration from Africa and Eastern Europe. What is the relationship between migrants and the Mafia, especially people traffi

When Vladimir Putin came to power in 2000, George Bush said he was a man he could trust. Since then, relations between Russia and the West have gone from bad to worse. The EU and Russia have been unable to agree on the terms of their partnership; NATO expansion continues apace, threatening to include countries like Ukraine and Georgia; the United Kingdom harbours, as political refugees, men who call for the violent overthrow of the Russian government; and the United States is determined to build an anti-missile shield which, Moscow fears, would render feasible a 'first strike' against Russia. How do Russians see these developments and the other developments inside their fascinating country? This book contains articles by some fifty commentators and decision-makers, the overwhelming majority Russians, on issues as diverse as immigration, demography, the economy, gas and oil pipelines, foreign policy, public opinion, and international relations. The book provides a survey of all the major political and social issues facing Russia today. There is no comparable collection of essays by insiders in print. This is an invaluable tool for anyone interested in the largest country on earth.

An ideology is sweeping Europe and the world which threatens democracy and the rule of law. The post-national ideology, which posits that nation-states are no longer capable of running their own affairs in a modern, interdependent economy, confuses the constitution of a state with the power of its government, and ignores the importance of the sense of community essential to any democratic debate. A rigorous synthesis of historical and philosophical arguments, THE TAINTED SOURCE is a powerful appeal in favour of the constitutional foundations of the liberal order. Post-national structures - multinational companies, ''region-states'' and supranational organisations such as the European Union - are corrosive of liberal values, to such an extent that John Laughland makes it devastatingly clear that the post-national ideology formed a crucial core of Nazi economic and political thinking. Like the European ideology of today, it was predicted on dissolving the nation-state and the liberal order.

The modern use of international tribunals to try heads of state for genocide and crimes against humanity is often considered a positive development. Many people think that the establishment of special courts to prosecute notorious dictators represents a triumph of law over impunity. In A History of Political Trials, John Laughland takes a very different and controversial view. He shows that trials of heads of state are in fact not new, and that previous trials throughout history have themselves violated the law and due process. It is the historical account which carries the argument. By examining trials of heads of state and government throughout history – figures as different as Charles I, Louis XVI, Erich Honecker, Saddam Hussein and Charles Taylor – Laughland shows that modern trials of heads of state have ugly historical precedents. In their different ways, all the trials he describes were marked by arbitrariness and injustice, and many were gross exercises in hypocrisy. Political trials, he finds, are only the continuation of war by other means. With short and easy chapters, but the fruit of formidable erudition and wide reading, this book will force the general reader to re-examine prevailing opinions on this subject.

Slobodan Milosevic died in prison in 2006 during a four-year marathon trial at The Hague for war crimes. John Laughland was one of the last Western journalists to meet him. He followed the trial from the beginning and wrote extensively on it, challenging the legitimacy of the Yugoslav Tribunal and the hypocrisy of 'international justice' in the Guardian and the Spectator.In this book Laughland gives a full account of the trial, which was the longest criminal trial in history. From the moment the indictment was issued at the height of NATO's attack on Yugoslavia to the day of Milosevic's mysterious death in custody. 'International justice' is supposed to hold war criminals to account but, as the trials of both Milosevic and Saddam Hussein show, the indictments are politically motivated and the judicial procedures are irredeemably corrupt. Laughland argues that international justice is an impossible dream and that such show trials are little more than a propaganda exercise designed to distract attention from the war crimes committed by Western states.

In tracing Friedrich von Schelling's long philosophical development, John Laughland examines in particular his disentanglement from German idealism and his reaction, later in life, against Hegel. He argues that this story has relevance beyond the facts themselves and that it explains much about the direction philosophy took in the century between the French Revolution and the rise of Communism. Schelling's development turned principally on the related questions of human liberty and the creation. Following a sharp disagreement with his old friend Hegel over the Phenomenology in 1807, Schelling wrote a short but brilliant essay on human freedom in 1809, after which he never published another word. In the remaining decades of his life (d. 1854) Schelling developed in an increasingly conservative and Christian direction, preoccupied with the relationship between Christianity and metaphysics. In numerous lectures and unpublished works, he attacked what he saw as the hubris and artificiality of Hegelian rationalism. However the path against which Schelling warned was the one which philosophy finally took. Schelling was determined to show how philosophy (especially ontology) explained and was explained by Christianity, and that both had been damaged by modern rationalism. But Hegel’s Marxist epigones who attended his later lectures scoffed and Hegelianism triumphed. This is an elegantly written and engaging study in the history of ideas of a philosopher on the losing side.

In tracing Friedrich von Schelling's long philosophical development, John Laughland examines in particular his disentanglement from German idealism and his reaction, later in life, against Hegel. He argues that this story has relevance beyond the facts themselves and that it explains much about the direction philosophy took in the century between the French Revolution and the rise of Communism. Schelling's development turned principally on the related questions of human liberty and the creation. Following a sharp disagreement with his old friend Hegel over the Phenomenology in 1807, Schelling wrote a short but brilliant essay on human freedom in 1809, after which he never published another word. In the remaining decades of his life (d. 1854) Schelling developed in an increasingly conservative and Christian direction, preoccupied with the relationship between Christianity and metaphysics. In numerous lectures and unpublished works, he attacked what he saw as the hubris and artificiality of Hegelian rationalism. However the path against which Schelling warned was the one which philosophy finally took. Schelling was determined to show how philosophy (especially ontology) explained and was explained by Christianity, and that both had been damaged by modern rationalism. But Hegel’s Marxist epigones who attended his later lectures scoffed and Hegelianism triumphed. This is an elegantly written and engaging study in the history of ideas of a philosopher on the losing side.

In tracing Friedrich von Schelling''s long philosophical development, John Laughland examines in particular his disentanglement from German idealism and his reaction, later in life, against Hegel. He argues that this story has relevance beyond the facts themselves and that it explains much about the direction philosophy took in the century between the French Revolution and the rise of Communism. Schelling''s development turned principally on the related questions of human liberty and the creation. Following a sharp disagreement with his old friend Hegel over the Phenomenology in 1807, Schelling wrote a short but brilliant essay on human freedom in 1809, after which he never published another word. In the remaining decades of his life (d. 1854) Schelling developed in an increasingly conservative and Christian direction, preoccupied with the relationship between Christianity and metaphysics. In numerous lectures and unpublished works, he attacked what he saw as the hubris and artificiality of Hegelian rationalism. However the path against which Schelling warned was the one which philosophy finally took. Schelling was determined to show how philosophy (especially ontology) explained and was explained by Christianity, and that both had been damaged by modern rationalism. But Hegel’s Marxist epigones who attended his later lectures scoffed and Hegelianism triumphed. This is an elegantly written and engaging study in the history of ideas of a philosopher on the losing side.

In tracing Friedrich von Schelling''s long philosophical development, John Laughland examines in particular his disentanglement from German idealism and his reaction, later in life, against Hegel. He argues that this story has relevance beyond the facts themselves and that it explains much about the direction philosophy took in the century between the French Revolution and the rise of Communism. Schelling''s development turned principally on the related questions of human liberty and the creation. Following a sharp disagreement with his old friend Hegel over the Phenomenology in 1807, Schelling wrote a short but brilliant essay on human freedom in 1809, after which he never published another word. In the remaining decades of his life (d. 1854) Schelling developed in an increasingly conservative and Christian direction, preoccupied with the relationship between Christianity and metaphysics. In numerous lectures and unpublished works, he attacked what he saw as the hubris and artificiality of Hegelian rationalism. However the path against which Schelling warned was the one which philosophy finally took. Schelling was determined to show how philosophy (especially ontology) explained and was explained by Christianity, and that both had been damaged by modern rationalism. But Hegel’s Marxist epigones who attended his later lectures scoffed and Hegelianism triumphed. This is an elegantly written and engaging study in the history of ideas of a philosopher on the losing side.

Slobodan Milosevic died in prison in 2006 during a four-year marathon trial at The Hague for war crimes. John Laughland was one of the last Western journalists to meet him. He followed the trial from the beginning and wrote extensively on it, challenging the legitimacy of the Yugoslav Tribunal and the hypocrisy of ''international justice'' in the Guardian and the Spectator.In this book Laughland gives a full account of the trial, which was the longest criminal trial in history. From the moment the indictment was issued at the height of NATO''s attack on Yugoslavia to the day of Milosevic''s mysterious death in custody. ''International justice'' is supposed to hold war criminals to account but, as the trials of both Milosevic and Saddam Hussein show, the indictments are politically motivated and the judicial procedures are irredeemably corrupt. Laughland argues that international justice is an impossible dream and that such show trials are little more than a propaganda exercise designed to distract attention from the war crimes committed by Western states.

How to Love a Child and Other Selected Works is the first comprehensive collection of Korczak's works translated into English. It contains his most important pedagogical writings, journal articles, as well as private texts. Volume 1 comprises three pedagogical works, the first being How to Love a Child. This is a tetralogy presenting the life of a child in a family from birth to puberty, the challenges of raising children in childcare institutions, Korczak's first practical experiences gained while working at summer camps and a detailed account of his work at the Orphans' Home—the orphanage where he was the headmaster. The second work, The Events of Childrearing, is based on the notes he wrote down during his observations of children made in kindergarten and at school. These are the events of children's everyday life: conversations and interactions as well as moments of solitary reflection, carefully recorded and thoroughly interpreted. The third, A Child's Right to Respect, is an ardent manifesto for children's rights such as the right to be what they actually are, to live an aware and responsible life today and to respect for the hard work of growing. Korczak's writing is characterized by uncompromising views, acute observations, subtle reflection, and, above all, love for children. All written in his distinctive style combining poetic metaphor with pedagogical reflection, a lofty turn of phrase with the mundanity of everyday life and humor with scholarly rigor.

Based on a volume of Outre-Terre, the leading journal of geopolitics, this book is a collection of articles by top decision-makers and opinion-formers reflecting all points of view within Israel. It includes exclusive articles by Ariel Sharon and Shimon Peres; as well as an array of articles from all points of view within Israel. Many of the articles are illustrated with maps, as is essential for any journal of geopolitics, especially when dealing with such important territorial issues as in Israel.

Based on a volume of Outre-Terre, the leading journal of geopolitics, this book is a collection of articles by top decision-makers and opinion-formers reflecting all points of view within Israel. It includes exclusive articles by Ariel Sharon and Shimon Peres; as well as an array of articles from all points of view within Israel. Many of the articles are illustrated with maps, as is essential for any journal of geopolitics, especially when dealing with such important territorial issues as in Israel.

This second book in the series Geopolitical Affairs concentrates on migration in the twenty-first century. Migration will be one of the biggest issues in world geopolitics in the years to come. Huge population flows are one of the key phenomena of the contemporary world. The book addresses the following questions: --- Kofi Annan's concept of the 'globalisation of the globe' and of his idea that nation-states have had their day: do the world's major institutions share this view? What is the view of the Holy See, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and non-governmental organisations? --- The increasing problem of 'Eurabia': opinion polls in the United Kingdom, Germany, and the Netherlands show that societies are divided while politically correct ideas are imposed. Countries are in the process of disappearing. What is the relationship between established right-wing parties and nationalist right-wing parties? Will the conflict between the two be the principal political conflict in years to come? --- There is a debate in the Arab world on migration. What is the relationship between Arab Africa and Black Africa, between North and South? What is the purpose of Euro-Mediterranean summits? Is immigration an arm in the hands of the Maghreb (North Africa) and the Mashreq (the Arabic-speaking counties East of Egypt)? --- Africa itself is ever more destabilised by migratory flows. Political elites remain settled while ordinary people undertake ever more dangerous migrations in search of a better life. The Ivory Coast and Liberia are cases in point. What is the point of view of Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali, Ghana, and Liberia on the crisis in Ivory Coast? And what about the situation in Darfur and Chad: is the refugee crisis there being manipulated for political purposes? --- Is there a conflict between East and South? Western Europe has seen immigration from Africa and Eastern Europe. What is the relationship between migrants and the Mafia, especially people traffi

This second book in the series Geopolitical Affairs concentrates on migration in the twenty-first century. Migration will be one of the biggest issues in world geopolitics in the years to come. Huge population flows are one of the key phenomena of the contemporary world. The book addresses the following questions: --- Kofi Annan's concept of the 'globalisation of the globe' and of his idea that nation-states have had their day: do the world's major institutions share this view? What is the view of the Holy See, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and non-governmental organisations? --- The increasing problem of 'Eurabia': opinion polls in the United Kingdom, Germany, and the Netherlands show that societies are divided while politically correct ideas are imposed. Countries are in the process of disappearing. What is the relationship between established right-wing parties and nationalist right-wing parties? Will the conflict between the two be the principal political conflict in years to come? --- There is a debate in the Arab world on migration. What is the relationship between Arab Africa and Black Africa, between North and South? What is the purpose of Euro-Mediterranean summits? Is immigration an arm in the hands of the Maghreb (North Africa) and the Mashreq (the Arabic-speaking counties East of Egypt)? --- Africa itself is ever more destabilised by migratory flows. Political elites remain settled while ordinary people undertake ever more dangerous migrations in search of a better life. The Ivory Coast and Liberia are cases in point. What is the point of view of Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali, Ghana, and Liberia on the crisis in Ivory Coast? And what about the situation in Darfur and Chad: is the refugee crisis there being manipulated for political purposes? --- Is there a conflict between East and South? Western Europe has seen immigration from Africa and Eastern Europe. What is the relationship between migrants and the Mafia, especially people traffi

When Vladimir Putin came to power in 2000, George Bush said he was a man he could trust. Since then, relations between Russia and the West have gone from bad to worse. The EU and Russia have been unable to agree on the terms of their partnership; NATO expansion continues apace, threatening to include countries like Ukraine and Georgia; the United Kingdom harbours, as political refugees, men who call for the violent overthrow of the Russian government; and the United States is determined to build an anti-missile shield which, Moscow fears, would render feasible a 'first strike' against Russia. How do Russians see these developments and the other developments inside their fascinating country? This book contains articles by some fifty commentators and decision-makers, the overwhelming majority Russians, on issues as diverse as immigration, demography, the economy, gas and oil pipelines, foreign policy, public opinion, and international relations. The book provides a survey of all the major political and social issues facing Russia today. There is no comparable collection of essays by insiders in print. This is an invaluable tool for anyone interested in the largest country on earth.