Julian Millie – författare

The pioneering and hugely influential work of Mikhail Bakhtin has led scholars in recent decades to see all discourse and social life as inherently "dialogical." No speaker speaks alone, because our words are always partly shaped by our interactions with others, past and future. Moreover, we never fashion ourselves entirely by ourselves, but always do so in concert with others. Bakhtin thus decisively reshaped modern understandings of language and subjectivity. And yet, the contributors to this volume argue that something is potentially overlooked with too close a focus on dialogism: many speakers, especially in charged political and religious contexts, work energetically at crafting monologues, single-voiced statements to which the only expected response is agreement or faithful replication. Drawing on ethnographic case studies from the United States, Iran, Cuba, Indonesia, Algeria, and Papua New Guinea, the authors argue that a focus on "the monologic imagination" gives us new insights into languages' political design and religious force, and deepens our understandings of the necessary interplay between monological and dialogical tendencies.

The pioneering and hugely influential work of Mikhail Bakhtin has led scholars in recent decades to see all discourse and social life as inherently "dialogical." No speaker speaks alone, because our words are always partly shaped by our interactions with others, past and future. Moreover, we never fashion ourselves entirely by ourselves, but always do so in concert with others. Bakhtin thus decisively reshaped modern understandings of language and subjectivity. And yet, the contributors to this volume argue that something is potentially overlooked with too close a focus on dialogism: many speakers, especially in charged political and religious contexts, work energetically at crafting monologues, single-voiced statements to which the only expected response is agreement or faithful replication. Drawing on ethnographic case studies from the United States, Iran, Cuba, Indonesia, Algeria, and Papua New Guinea, the authors argue that a focus on "the monologic imagination" gives us new insights into languages' political design and religious force, and deepens our understandings of the necessary interplay between monological and dialogical tendencies.

The pioneering and hugely influential work of Mikhail Bakhtin has led scholars in recent decades to see all discourse and social life as inherently "dialogical." No speaker speaks alone, because our words are always partly shaped by our interactions with others, past and future. Moreover, we never fashion ourselves entirely by ourselves, but always do so in concert with others. Bakhtin thus decisively reshaped modern understandings of language and subjectivity. And yet, the contributors to this volume argue that something is potentially overlooked with too close a focus on dialogism: many speakers, especially in charged political and religious contexts, work energetically at crafting monologues, single-voiced statements to which the only expected response is agreement or faithful replication. Drawing on ethnographic case studies from the United States, Iran, Cuba, Indonesia, Algeria, and Papua New Guinea, the authors argue that a focus on "the monologic imagination" gives us new insights into languages'' political design and religious force, and deepens our understandings of the necessary interplay between monological and dialogical tendencies.

The pioneering and hugely influential work of Mikhail Bakhtin has led scholars in recent decades to see all discourse and social life as inherently "dialogical." No speaker speaks alone, because our words are always partly shaped by our interactions with others, past and future. Moreover, we never fashion ourselves entirely by ourselves, but always do so in concert with others. Bakhtin thus decisively reshaped modern understandings of language and subjectivity. And yet, the contributors to this volume argue that something is potentially overlooked with too close a focus on dialogism: many speakers, especially in charged political and religious contexts, work energetically at crafting monologues, single-voiced statements to which the only expected response is agreement or faithful replication. Drawing on ethnographic case studies from the United States, Iran, Cuba, Indonesia, Algeria, and Papua New Guinea, the authors argue that a focus on "the monologic imagination" gives us new insights into languages'' political design and religious force, and deepens our understandings of the necessary interplay between monological and dialogical tendencies.

It's amazing how 100 key words and phrases provide instant communication!Do you want to speak simple Indonesian but are too busy to study it? Are you visiting Indonesia for a short time and want an Indonesian phrase book to help you communicate? If so, this Indonesian phrasebook is for you—it's the easiest and quickest way to learn Indonesian. It's tiny 0.4 x 4.1 x 5.9 inches size makes it incredibly convenient to travel with but without losing the most essential content for communication. The idea of Instant Indonesian is simple—learn 100 words and phrases and say 1,000 things. The trick is knowing which 100 words to learn, but the authors Stuart Robson and Julian Millie have solved the problem, choosing only those words you'll hear again and again. Even with a vocabulary this small, you'll be surprised how quickly and fluently you too can communicate in the Indonesian language. Words are repeated in different combinations, building familiarity without effort. A brief guide to pronunciation allows the user to say the phrases correctly and an Indonesian dictionary allows for quick reference. Here's a sample of what you'll be able to do with this Indonesian phrasebook:Meet people.Go shopping.Ask directions.Ride the subway.Order food and drinks.And much more.

It''s amazing how 100 key words and phrases provide instant communication! Do you want to speak simple Indonesian but are too busy to study it? Are you visiting Indonesia for a short time and want an Indonesian phrase book to help you communicate? If so, this Indonesian phrasebook is for you—it''s the easiest and quickest way to learn Indonesian. It''s tiny 0.4 x 4.1 x 5.9 inches size makes it incredibly convenient to travel with but without losing the most essential content for communication. The idea of Instant Indonesian is simple—learn 100 words and phrases and say 1,000 things. The trick is knowing which 100 words to learn, but the authors Stuart Robson and Julian Millie have solved the problem, choosing only those words you''ll hear again and again. Even with a vocabulary this small, you''ll be surprised how quickly and fluently you too can communicate in the Indonesian language. Words are repeated in different combinations, building familiarity without effort. A brief guide to pronunciation allows the user to say the phrases correctly and an Indonesian dictionary allows for quick reference. Here''s a sample of what you''ll be able to do with this Indonesian phrasebook: Meet people. Go shopping. Ask directions. Ride the subway. Order food and drinks. And much more.

Hearing Allah's Call changes the way we think about Islamic communication. In the city of Bandung in Indonesia, sermons are not reserved for mosques and sites for Friday prayers. Muslim speakers are in demand for all kinds of events, from rites of passage to motivational speeches for companies and other organizations. Julian Millie spent fourteen months sitting among listeners at such events, and he provides detailed contextual description of the everyday realities of Muslim listening as well as preaching. In describing the venues, the audience, and preachers—many of whom are women—he reveals tensions between entertainment and traditional expressions of faith and moral rectitude. The sermonizers use in-jokes, double entendres, and mimicry in their expositions, playing on their audiences' emotions, triggering reactions from critics who accuse them of neglecting listeners' intellects. Millie focused specifically on the listening routines that enliven everyday life for Muslims in all social spaces—imagine the hardworking preachers who make Sunday worship enjoyable for rural as well as urban Americans—and who captivate audiences with skills that attract criticism from more formal interpreters of Islam. The ethnography is rich and full of insightful observations and details. Hearing Allah's Call will appeal to students of the practice of anthropology as well as all those intrigued by contemporary Islam.

Hearing Allah's Call changes the way we think about Islamic communication. In the city of Bandung in Indonesia, sermons are not reserved for mosques and sites for Friday prayers. Muslim speakers are in demand for all kinds of events, from rites of passage to motivational speeches for companies and other organizations. Julian Millie spent fourteen months sitting among listeners at such events, and he provides detailed contextual description of the everyday realities of Muslim listening as well as preaching. In describing the venues, the audience, and preachers—many of whom are women—he reveals tensions between entertainment and traditional expressions of faith and moral rectitude. The sermonizers use in-jokes, double entendres, and mimicry in their expositions, playing on their audiences' emotions, triggering reactions from critics who accuse them of neglecting listeners' intellects. Millie focused specifically on the listening routines that enliven everyday life for Muslims in all social spaces—imagine the hardworking preachers who make Sunday worship enjoyable for rural as well as urban Americans—and who captivate audiences with skills that attract criticism from more formal interpreters of Islam. The ethnography is rich and full of insightful observations and details. Hearing Allah's Call will appeal to students of the practice of anthropology as well as all those intrigued by contemporary Islam.

This book explores the evaluations made by religious groups and individuals about the potential of public spheres for religious practice, focussing upon public religion in societies of the Asia-Pacific. Across this region we observe a resurgence of religious traditions, increasing mediatisation of religion, and an inward turn toward conservative political programs. Against this background, relations between religion and public domains are critical influences upon civic inclusion and equal citizenship.In contrast to conventional approaches to religion and public life that focus upon the public potential of religion, chapter authors focus upon the religious potential of public domains, taking the perspectives of religious actors as their points of departure. The book’s chapters capture the dynamic nexus between religion and politics in Asia-Pacific public spheres: why would Indonesia’s minority Shiite movement strive to develop a public profile in a national environment whereit attracts widespread disapproval? What constructions of religion and public space make Banaras so unconducive to female mobility? Why does the success of the social services wing of Australia’s Salvation Army create anxiety for its religious wing? What is at stake for followers of Australian Spiritualism when they attend spirit-medium sessions? How are popular Islamic preachers vulnerable to action from Indonesia’s civil society organisations? What do media representations of Hajj pilgrimage by Indonesia’s presidents have in common with middle-class representations of gender? Why did Indonesia’s traditionalist Muslim intellectuals draw heavily upon the ideas of Jürgen Habermas in their theorisations of state-society relations?An epilogue by the Indonesian neo-traditionalist intellectual Ahmad Baso, the most prominent theorist of state-religion relations in that country, overviews the issues against the background of that country’s religious and political histories.

This book explores the evaluations made by religious groups and individuals about the potential of public spheres for religious practice, focussing upon public religion in societies of the Asia-Pacific. Across this region we observe a resurgence of religious traditions, increasing mediatisation of religion, and an inward turn toward conservative political programs. Against this background, relations between religion and public domains are critical influences upon civic inclusion and equal citizenship.

In contrast to conventional approaches to religion and public life that focus upon the public potential of religion, chapter authors focus upon the religious potential of public domains, taking the perspectives of religious actors as their points of departure. The book’s chapters capture the dynamic nexus between religion and politics in Asia-Pacific public spheres: why would Indonesia’s minority Shiite movement strive to develop a public profile in a national environment whereit attracts widespread disapproval? What constructions of religion and public space make Banaras so unconducive to female mobility? Why does the success of the social services wing of Australia’s Salvation Army create anxiety for its religious wing? What is at stake for followers of Australian Spiritualism when they attend spirit-medium sessions? How are popular Islamic preachers vulnerable to action from Indonesia’s civil society organisations? What do media representations of Hajj pilgrimage by Indonesia’s presidents have in common with middle-class representations of gender? Why did Indonesia’s traditionalist Muslim intellectuals draw heavily upon the ideas of Jürgen Habermas in their theorisations of state-society relations?

An epilogue by the Indonesian neo-traditionalist intellectual Ahmad Baso, the most prominent theorist of state-religion relations in that country, overviews the issues against the background of that country’s religious and political histories.