Lisheng Dong - Böcker

Popular protests are on the rise in China. However, since protesters rely on existing channels of participation and on patronage by elite backers, the state has been able to stymie attempts to generalize resistance and no large scale political movements have significantly challenged party rule. Yet the Chinese state is not monolithic. Decentralization has increased the power of local authorities, creating space for policy innovations and opening up the political opportunity structure. Popular protest in China - particularly in urban realm- not only benefits from the political fragmentation of the state, but also from the political communications revolution. The question of how and to what extent the internet can be used for mobilizing popular resistance in China is hotly debated. The government, virtual social organizations, and individual netizens both cooperate and compete with each other on the web. New media both increases the scope of the mobilizers and the mobilized (thereby creating new social capital), and provides the government with new means of social control (thereby limiting the political impact of the growing social capital). This volume is the first of its kind to assess the ways new media influence the mobilization of popular resistance and its possible effects in China today.

The European Union is China’s largest trading partner, and Chinese views of the EU are of crucial importance in shaping how the relationship will develop in the future, especially as the new Chinese leadership takes power. This book presents the findings of an extensive research project into the views of both elite groups, in government, business, academia, media and social activists, and the Chinese public towards Europe and the European Union. It considers attitudes on a wide range of subjects, and reaches a number of interesting, encouraging conclusions. These include the fact that as Chinese people’s knowledge of, and travel to, Europe becomes more extensive, Chinese attitudes towards Europe become more positive; that Chinese people have a high regard for European culture and a high degree of trust in Europeans; though there are significant differences between different Chinese groups concerning controversial issues in the China-EU relationship. Overall, the book concludes that the Chinese public opinion supports a strong bilateral relation.

The European Union is China’s largest trading partner, and Chinese views of the EU are of crucial importance in shaping how the relationship will develop in the future, especially as the new Chinese leadership takes power. This book presents the findings of an extensive research project into the views of both elite groups, in government, business, academia, media and social activists, and the Chinese public towards Europe and the European Union. It considers attitudes on a wide range of subjects, and reaches a number of interesting, encouraging conclusions. These include the fact that as Chinese people’s knowledge of, and travel to, Europe becomes more extensive, Chinese attitudes towards Europe become more positive; that Chinese people have a high regard for European culture and a high degree of trust in Europeans; though there are significant differences between different Chinese groups concerning controversial issues in the China-EU relationship. Overall, the book concludes that the Chinese public opinion supports a strong bilateral relation.

Popular protests are on the rise in China. However, since protesters rely on existing channels of participation and on patronage by elite backers, the state has been able to stymie attempts to generalize resistance and no large scale political movements have significantly challenged party rule. Yet the Chinese state is not monolithic. Decentralization has increased the power of local authorities, creating space for policy innovations and opening up the political opportunity structure. Popular protest in China - particularly in urban realm- not only benefits from the political fragmentation of the state, but also from the political communications revolution. The question of how and to what extent the internet can be used for mobilizing popular resistance in China is hotly debated. The government, virtual social organizations, and individual netizens both cooperate and compete with each other on the web. New media both increases the scope of the mobilizers and the mobilized (thereby creating new social capital), and provides the government with new means of social control (thereby limiting the political impact of the growing social capital). This volume is the first of its kind to assess the ways new media influence the mobilization of popular resistance and its possible effects in China today.

This book analyzes Donald Trump's three electoral campaigns - 2016, 2020, and 2024 - and exposes the hidden networks of power that shape modern campaigns and politics. The author maps the influence of financial oligarchs, deep state agencies, tech moguls, and celebrity elites, revealing how populist narratives intersect with corporate lobbying, military and intelligence continuity, and fragmented mass media.Blending cultural and structural perspectives, the book explains how Trump, often seen as an "outsider," was able to simultaneously serve entrenched interests. Each chapter examines critical turning points, from early endorsements and mainstream coverage to digital echo chambers, polling failures, and escalating conspiracy theories, culminating in Trump's victory in 2024.The book concludes with an assessment of democracy's resilience in an age of misinformation, economic inequality, and strategic realignment. It will appeal to scholars, students, and researchers in political science and related fields, as well as policymakers and the general public interested in better understanding the shifting power structures that underpin American democracy.

This book examines China’s grassroots electoral experiments and their transformation into instruments of centralized political control. It provides the first comprehensive, historically grounded analysis of village, township, and consultative elections from the 1980s to the present.Tracing the rise of “sea elections” and their gradual institutional containment, the book shows how limited democratic practices emerged within a one-party system and were later restructured to reinforce state authority. It introduces the concept of “top-down governance logic” to explain how electoral participation can coexist with authoritarian resilience. Combining long-term field research, archival materials, and comparative political analysis, the book situates China’s experience within broader debates on authoritarian governance, democratic experimentation, political reform, and adaptive legitimacy. It demonstrates how elections in China functioned simultaneously as experiments in participation and mechanisms of political consolidation.