Hanspeter Kriesi – författare

Based on a new data-set covering 29 European and neighboring countries, this volume shows how, Europeans view and evaluate democracy: what are their conceptions of democracy, how do they assess the quality of democracy in their own country, and to what extent do they consider their country''s democracy as legitimate? The study shows that Europeans share a common view of liberal democracy, which is complemented by elements of social and direct democracy, which gobeyond the basic liberal model. The level of their demands in terms of democracy varies, however, considerably across Europe and is related to their assessment of democracy: the worse the quality of democracy in a given country, the higher the respective demands on democracy. The analysis of thedeterminants of democratic views and evaluations shows that they depend on the political and economic (but less on the cultural) context conditions.Comparative Politics is a series for students, teachers, and researchers of political science that deals with contemporary government and politics. Global in scope, books in the series are characterised by a stress on comparative analysis and strong methodological rigour. The series is published in association with the European Consortium for Political Research. For more information visit: www.ecprnet.eu.The Comparative Politics series is edited by Emilie van Haute, Professor of Political Science, Université libre de Bruxelles; Ferdinand Müller-Rommel, Director of the Center for the Study of Democracy, Leuphana University; and Susan Scarrow, Chair of the Department of Political Science, University of Houston.

Based on a new data-set covering 29 European and neighboring countries, this volume shows how, Europeans view and evaluate democracy: what are their conceptions of democracy, how do they assess the quality of democracy in their own country, and to what extent do they consider their country''s democracy as legitimate? The study shows that Europeans share a common view of liberal democracy, which is complemented by elements of social and direct democracy, which gobeyond the basic liberal model. The level of their demands in terms of democracy varies, however, considerably across Europe and is related to their assessment of democracy: the worse the quality of democracy in a given country, the higher the respective demands on democracy. The analysis of thedeterminants of democratic views and evaluations shows that they depend on the political and economic (but less on the cultural) context conditions.Comparative Politics is a series for students, teachers, and researchers of political science that deals with contemporary government and politics. Global in scope, books in the series are characterised by a stress on comparative analysis and strong methodological rigour. The series is published in association with the European Consortium for Political Research. For more information visit: www.ecprnet.eu.The Comparative Politics series is edited by Emilie van Haute, Professor of Political Science, Université libre de Bruxelles; Ferdinand Müller-Rommel, Director of the Center for the Study of Democracy, Leuphana University; and Susan Scarrow, Chair of the Department of Political Science, University of Houston.

Based on a new data-set covering 29 European and neighboring countries, this volume shows how, Europeans view and evaluate democracy: what are their conceptions of democracy, how do they assess the quality of democracy in their own country, and to what extent do they consider their country's democracy as legitimate? The study shows that Europeans share a common view of liberal democracy, which is complemented by elements of social and direct democracy, which go beyond the basic liberal model. The level of their demands in terms of democracy varies, however, considerably across Europe and is related to their assessment of democracy: the worse the quality of democracy in a given country, the higher the respective demands on democracy. The analysis of the determinants of democratic views and evaluations shows that they depend on the political and economic (but less on the cultural) context conditions.Comparative Politics is a series for students, teachers, and researchers of political science that deals with contemporary government and politics. Global in scope, books in the series are characterised by a stress on comparative analysis and strong methodological rigour. The series is published in association with the European Consortium for Political Research. For more information visit: www.ecprnet.eu.The Comparative Politics series is edited by Emilie van Haute, Professor of Political Science, Université libre de Bruxelles; Ferdinand Müller-Rommel, Director of the Center for the Study of Democracy, Leuphana University; and Susan Scarrow, Chair of the Department of Political Science, University of Houston.

In 2012 How Europeans View and Evaluate Democracy assessed the Europeans' views and evaluations of the state of democracy after one of the deepest economic and financial crises worldwide. Against the most pessimistic “Zeitgeist,” the book found that there was overwhelming support for democracy in Europe, even if the breadth and scope of the citizens' demands for their democratic systems varied within and between countries. Importantly, with very few exceptions, the implementation of the basic democratic principle of free and fair elections was well-evaluated across Europe. However, analysis also showed that there was room for improvement in many countries, according to the citizens' evaluations. Overall, in 2012, there were no symptoms of a democratic crisis in Europe.Ten years and several crises later, the authors reassess how Europeans view and evaluate democracy, and that many changes that have occurred in the meantime. This book, How Europeans View and Evaluate Democracy Revisited, compares how Europeans view and evaluate democracy in 2021-22 and in 2012 based on surveys in 24 European countries. It shows that Europeans continue to be attached to democratic ideals and that they continue to be rather dissatisfied with the way these ideals are implemented in their country. The liberal-democratic model continues to enjoy great support, just as it did a decade ago, and there is also support for additional models of democracy - for social, direct, and populist democracy. Surprisingly, the populist model turns out to be a complement rather than a substitute for the other models. Comparative Politics is a series for researchers, teachers, and students of political science that deals with contemporary government and politics. Global in scope, books in the series are characterized by a stress on comparative analysis and strong methodological rigour. The series is published in association with the European Consortium for Political Research. For more information visit: www.ecprnet.eu.The series is edited by Nicole Bolleyer, Chair of Comparative Political Science, Geschwister Scholl Institut, LMU Munich and Jonathan Slapin, Professor of Political Institutions and European Politics, Department of Political Science, University of Zurich.

In 2012 How Europeans View and Evaluate Democracy assessed the Europeans' views and evaluations of the state of democracy after one of the deepest economic and financial crises worldwide. Against the most pessimistic a Zeitgeist,a the book found that there was overwhelming support for democracy in Europe, even if the breadth and scope of the citizens' demands for their democratic systems varied within and between countries. Importantly, with very few exceptions, the implementation of the basic democratic principle of free and fair elections was well-evaluated across Europe. However, analysis also showed that there was room for improvement in many countries, according to the citizens' evaluations. Overall, in 2012, there were no symptoms of a democratic crisis in Europe.Ten years and several crises later, the authors reassess how Europeans view and evaluate democracy, and that many changes that have occurred in the meantime. This book, How Europeans View and Evaluate Democracy Revisited, compares how Europeans view and evaluate democracy in 2021-22 and in 2012 based on surveys in 24 European countries. It shows that Europeans continue to be attached to democratic ideals and that they continue to be rather dissatisfied with the way these ideals are implemented in their country. The liberal-democratic model continues to enjoy great support, just as it did a decade ago, and there is also support for additional models of democracy - for social, direct, and populist democracy. Surprisingly, the populist model turns out to be a complement rather than a substitute for the other models. Comparative Politics is a series for researchers, teachers, and students of political science that deals with contemporary government and politics. Global in scope, books in the series are characterized by a stress on comparative analysis and strong methodological rigour. The series is published in association with the European Consortium for Political Research. For more information visit: www.ecprnet.eu.The series is edited by Nicole Bolleyer, Chair of Comparative Political Science, Geschwister Scholl Institut, LMU Munich and Jonathan Slapin, Professor of Political Institutions and European Politics, Department of Political Science, University of Zurich.

In 2012 How Europeans View and Evaluate Democracy assessed the Europeans' views and evaluations of the state of democracy after one of the deepest economic and financial crises worldwide. Against the most pessimistic a Zeitgeist,a the book found that there was overwhelming support for democracy in Europe, even if the breadth and scope of the citizens' demands for their democratic systems varied within and between countries. Importantly, with very few exceptions, the implementation of the basic democratic principle of free and fair elections was well-evaluated across Europe. However, analysis also showed that there was room for improvement in many countries, according to the citizens' evaluations. Overall, in 2012, there were no symptoms of a democratic crisis in Europe.Ten years and several crises later, the authors reassess how Europeans view and evaluate democracy, and that many changes that have occurred in the meantime. This book, How Europeans View and Evaluate Democracy Revisited, compares how Europeans view and evaluate democracy in 2021-22 and in 2012 based on surveys in 24 European countries. It shows that Europeans continue to be attached to democratic ideals and that they continue to be rather dissatisfied with the way these ideals are implemented in their country. The liberal-democratic model continues to enjoy great support, just as it did a decade ago, and there is also support for additional models of democracy - for social, direct, and populist democracy. Surprisingly, the populist model turns out to be a complement rather than a substitute for the other models. Comparative Politics is a series for researchers, teachers, and students of political science that deals with contemporary government and politics. Global in scope, books in the series are characterized by a stress on comparative analysis and strong methodological rigour. The series is published in association with the European Consortium for Political Research. For more information visit: www.ecprnet.eu.The series is edited by Nicole Bolleyer, Chair of Comparative Political Science, Geschwister Scholl Institut, LMU Munich and Jonathan Slapin, Professor of Political Institutions and European Politics, Department of Political Science, University of Zurich.

In 2020, the European Union faced the COVID-19 crisis. This book tells the unlikely story of how the European Union survived a crisis that arrived on the heels of a difficult decade during which the EU wrestled with repeated crises, from the Euro Area, to refugees, populism, and geopolitics. Against all odds, a divided polity with a weak centre and low competences in crucial policy domains, managed to overcome powerful disincentives to coordinate its way out of the pandemic and create central capacity building. Pandemic Polity-Building argues that this puzzling outcome stems from COVID-19's crisis characteristics and the EU's polity features. The relative symmetric nature of the pandemic and the deeply disruptive economic shocks revealed the potential long-term externalities of a lack of joint action at the European level. The EU coordinated a common vaccine procurement scheme and pooled its fiscal firepower. The polity perspective presented here shows how the EU overcame conflicts and managed to coordinate and create new capacity in its centre while relying on a new geography of solidarity within the EU. The polity approach allows the authors in this volume to show how the EU did not take a federal path to polity formation. Instead, it moved towards a polity that serves as an imperfect but solidaristic safety net for its member states. The polity approach thus allows this volume to present a firm analytical grasp over the complex crisis politics unleashed on the EU's compound polity.This is an open access title available under the terms of a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 International licence. It is free to read at Oxford Scholarship Online and offered as a free PDF download from OUP and selected open access locations.

In 2020, the European Union faced the COVID-19 crisis. This book tells the unlikely story of how the European Union survived a crisis that arrived on the heels of a difficult decade during which the EU wrestled with repeated crises, from the Euro Area, to refugees, populism, and geopolitics. Against all odds, a divided polity with a weak centre and low competences in crucial policy domains, managed to overcome powerful disincentives to coordinate its way out of the pandemic and create central capacity building. Pandemic Polity-Building argues that this puzzling outcome stems from COVID-19's crisis characteristics and the EU's polity features. The relative symmetric nature of the pandemic and the deeply disruptive economic shocks revealed the potential long-term externalities of a lack of joint action at the European level. The EU coordinated a common vaccine procurement scheme and pooled its fiscal firepower. The polity perspective presented here shows how the EU overcame conflicts and managed to coordinate and create new capacity in its centre while relying on a new geography of solidarity within the EU. The polity approach allows the authors in this volume to show how the EU did not take a federal path to polity formation. Instead, it moved towards a polity that serves as an imperfect but solidaristic safety net for its member states. The polity approach thus allows this volume to present a firm analytical grasp over the complex crisis politics unleashed on the EU's compound polity.This is an open access title available under the terms of a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 International licence. It is free to read at Oxford Scholarship Online and offered as a free PDF download from OUP and selected open access locations.

In 2020, the European Union faced the COVID-19 crisis. This book tells the unlikely story of how the European Union survived a crisis that arrived on the heels of a difficult decade during which the EU wrestled with repeated crises, from the Euro Area, to refugees, populism, and geopolitics. Against all odds, a divided polity with a weak centre and low competences in crucial policy domains, managed to overcome powerful disincentives to coordinate its way out of the pandemic and create central capacity building. Pandemic Polity-Building argues that this puzzling outcome stems from COVID-19's crisis characteristics and the EU's polity features. The relative symmetric nature of the pandemic and the deeply disruptive economic shocks revealed the potential long-term externalities of a lack of joint action at the European level. The EU coordinated a common vaccine procurement scheme and pooled its fiscal firepower. The polity perspective presented here shows how the EU overcame conflicts and managed to coordinate and create new capacity in its centre while relying on a new geography of solidarity within the EU. The polity approach allows the authors in this volume to show how the EU did not take a federal path to polity formation. Instead, it moved towards a polity that serves as an imperfect but solidaristic safety net for its member states. The polity approach thus allows this volume to present a firm analytical grasp over the complex crisis politics unleashed on the EU's compound polity.This is an open access title available under the terms of a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 International licence. It is free to read at Oxford Scholarship Online and offered as a free PDF download from OUP and selected open access locations.

The growing interdependence on a global scale which characterizes the human condition at the turn of the century constitutes a challenge for both the mobilization of social movements and social movement theory. The present volume makes an attempt to adjust the perspective of the political process approach to a world in which political opportunities, mobilizing structures, framing processes and collective action of social movements are no longer confined to national political contexts.

The growing interdependence on a global scale which characterizes the human condition at the turn of the century constitutes a challenge for both the mobilization of social movements and social movement theory. The present volume makes an attempt to adjust the perspective of the political process approach to a world in which political opportunities, mobilizing structures, framing processes and collective action of social movements are no longer confined to national political contexts.

Popular protests are on the rise in China. However, since protesters rely on existing channels of participation and on patronage by elite backers, the state has been able to stymie attempts to generalize resistance and no large scale political movements have significantly challenged party rule. Yet the Chinese state is not monolithic. Decentralization has increased the power of local authorities, creating space for policy innovations and opening up the political opportunity structure. Popular protest in China - particularly in urban realm- not only benefits from the political fragmentation of the state, but also from the political communications revolution. The question of how and to what extent the internet can be used for mobilizing popular resistance in China is hotly debated. The government, virtual social organizations, and individual netizens both cooperate and compete with each other on the web. New media both increases the scope of the mobilizers and the mobilized (thereby creating new social capital), and provides the government with new means of social control (thereby limiting the political impact of the growing social capital). This volume is the first of its kind to assess the ways new media influence the mobilization of popular resistance and its possible effects in China today.

The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements is a compilation of original, state-of-the-art essays by internationally recognized scholars on an array of topics in the field of social movement studies.

Contains original, state-of-the-art essays by internationally recognized scholars Covers a wide array of topics in the field of social movement studies Features a valuable introduction by the editors which maps the field, and helps situate the study of social movements within other disciplines Includes coverage of historical, political, and cultural contexts; leadership; organizational dynamics; social networks and participation; consequences and outcomes; and case studies of major social movements Offers the most comprehensive discussion of social movements available

Despite Switzerland's small size, its political system is one of the most complex and fascinating among contemporary democracies. The rich, complex mixture of centuries-old institutions and the refined political arrangements that exist today constitute a veritable laboratory for social scientists and their students. Often presented as the paradigmatic case of political integration, consensus democracy and multinational federalism, the Swiss model has become a benchmark case for analyses in comparative politics, political behaviour and other related fields. Written by two leading experts on Swiss politics, this book presents a definitive overview for scholars and students interested in Switzerland's political system at the beginning of the twenty-first century. By focusing on its intricacies but also taking in larger issues of general interest, the broad scope of this study will appeal to all those interested in contemporary European politics and democratic systems.

Over the past three decades the effects of globalization and denationalization have created a division between 'winners' and 'losers' in Western Europe. This study examines the transformation of party political systems in six countries (Austria, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland and the UK) using opinion surveys, as well as newly collected data on election campaigns. The authors argue that, as a result of structural transformations and the strategic repositioning of political parties, Europe has observed the emergence of a tripolar configuration of political power, comprising the left, the moderate right, and the new populist right. They suggest that, through an emphasis on cultural issues such as mass immigration and resistance to European integration, the traditional focus of political debate - the economy - has been downplayed or reinterpreted in terms of this new political cleavage. This new analysis of Western European politics will interest all students of European politics and political sociology.

Despite Switzerland's small size, its political system is one of the most complex and fascinating among contemporary democracies. The rich, complex mixture of centuries-old institutions and the refined political arrangements that exist today constitute a veritable laboratory for social scientists and their students. Often presented as the paradigmatic case of political integration, consensus democracy and multinational federalism, the Swiss model has become a benchmark case for analyses in comparative politics, political behaviour and other related fields. Written by two leading experts on Swiss politics, this book presents a definitive overview for scholars and students interested in Switzerland's political system at the beginning of the twenty-first century. By focusing on its intricacies but also taking in larger issues of general interest, the broad scope of this study will appeal to all those interested in contemporary European politics and democratic systems.

Over the past three decades the effects of globalization and denationalization have created a division between 'winners' and 'losers' in Western Europe. This study examines the transformation of party political systems in six countries (Austria, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland and the UK) using opinion surveys, as well as newly collected data on election campaigns. The authors argue that, as a result of structural transformations and the strategic repositioning of political parties, Europe has observed the emergence of a tripolar configuration of political power, comprising the left, the moderate right, and the new populist right. They suggest that, through an emphasis on cultural issues such as mass immigration and resistance to European integration, the traditional focus of political debate - the economy - has been downplayed or reinterpreted in terms of this new political cleavage. This new analysis of Western European politics will interest all students of European politics and political sociology.

Direct Democratic Choice sets out to understand how the citizens actually decide in direct-democratic votes. Author Hanspeter Kriesi has analyzed nearly twenty years of post-election surveys in Switzerland (1981-1999), which he has contextualized according to the various political issues and the relevant arguments provided by the political elites. This book's core argument is that the citizens who participate in direct-democratic votes make competent choices. Kriesi's extensive empirical research shows that the majority of these voters arrive at their decisions on the basis of arguments about the advantages and disadvantages of the available options. The less competent and less interested citizens either do not vote or, if they do, employ heuristic shortcuts allowing them to make approximately reasonable decisions. Kriesi provides strong support for an optimistic view of direct-democratic decision-making but also indicates that this process, wherever it occurs, can be improved by proper institutional design and by appropriate strategies enacted by the political elite.

Direct Democratic Choice sets out to understand how the citizens actually decide in direct-democratic votes. Author Hanspeter Kriesi has analyzed nearly twenty years of post-election surveys in Switzerland (1981-1999), which he has contextualized according to the various political issues and the relevant arguments provided by the political elites. This book's core argument is that the citizens who participate in direct-democratic votes make competent choices. Kriesi's extensive empirical research shows that the majority of these voters arrive at their decisions on the basis of arguments about the advantages and disadvantages of the available options. The less competent and less interested citizens either do not vote or, if they do, employ heuristic shortcuts allowing them to make approximately reasonable decisions. Kriesi provides strong support for an optimistic view of direct-democratic decision-making but also indicates that this process, wherever it occurs, can be improved by proper institutional design and by appropriate strategies enacted by the political elite.

Values form fundamental principles that help orient individuals in their daily life, and as such are rather stable across time. Changes in the political, economic, and social environment, as those experienced by Switzerland in the last two decades, may affect these value priorities through generational change and individual reorientations. The present book documents how values have changed over the last twenty years in Switzerland as it navigated in the rough waters of an increasingly globalized environment and a changing international political context. The contributions show how Swiss citizens position themselves in their social relations, including the large share of foreigners among the residents in the Alpine republic. In particular, the book highlights how religious values have changed in their meanings. Contributions to this volume also show the consequences of value change in the social and political sphere. Values influence the citizens' views on European integration, their disposition to provide volunteer work, their electoral choices, etc. The volume thus offers a detailed view on how values have changed in Switzerland and how these changes affected the social and political sphere.

Based on extensive data and analysis of sixty contentious episodes in twelve European countries, this book proposes a novel approach that takes a middle ground between narrative approaches and conventional protest event analysis. Looking particularly at responses to austerity policies in the aftermath of the Great Recession (2008-2015), the authors develop a rigorous conceptual framework that focuses on the interactions between three types of participants in contentious politics: governments, challengers, and third parties. This approach allows political scientists to map not only the variety of actors and actor coalitions that drove the interactions in the different episodes, but also the interplay of repression/concessions/support and of mobilization/cooperation/mediation on the part of the actors involved in the contention. The methodology used will enable researchers to answer old (and new) research questions related to political conflict in a way that is simultaneously attentive to conceptual depth and statistical rigor.

Based on extensive data and analysis of sixty contentious episodes in twelve European countries, this book proposes a novel approach that takes a middle ground between narrative approaches and conventional protest event analysis. Looking particularly at responses to austerity policies in the aftermath of the Great Recession (2008–2015), the authors develop a rigorous conceptual framework that focuses on the interactions between three types of participants in contentious politics: governments, challengers, and third parties. This approach allows political scientists to map not only the variety of actors and actor coalitions that drove the interactions in the different episodes, but also the interplay of repression/concessions/support and of mobilization/cooperation/mediation on the part of the actors involved in the contention. The methodology used will enable researchers to answer old (and new) research questions related to political conflict in a way that is simultaneously attentive to conceptual depth and statistical rigor.

Based on extensive data and analysis of sixty contentious episodes in twelve European countries, this book proposes a novel approach that takes a middle ground between narrative approaches and conventional protest event analysis. Looking particularly at responses to austerity policies in the aftermath of the Great Recession (2008–2015), the authors develop a rigorous conceptual framework that focuses on the interactions between three types of participants in contentious politics: governments, challengers, and third parties. This approach allows political scientists to map not only the variety of actors and actor coalitions that drove the interactions in the different episodes, but also the interplay of repression/concessions/support and of mobilization/cooperation/mediation on the part of the actors involved in the contention. The methodology used will enable researchers to answer old (and new) research questions related to political conflict in a way that is simultaneously attentive to conceptual depth and statistical rigor.

The refugee crisis which hit the European Union and its member states during 2015-16 was just one in a series of recent crises, but perhaps the most critical for the EU's resilience. This book shows how policymakers in the EU polity have tried to come to terms with it. To explain how they reacted to the crisis domestically and jointly at the EU-level, the study relies on an original method to analyze political processes. It argues that the policy-specific institutional context and the specific crisis situation, defined in terms of asymmetrical problem and political pressure, largely shaped the crisis response. The authors suggest that the way in which the refugee crisis was managed has resulted in conflicts between member states, which have been further exacerbated in subsequent crises and will continue to haunt the EU in times to come. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.

The refugee crisis which hit the European Union and its member states during 2015-16 was just one in a series of recent crises, but perhaps the most critical for the EU's resilience. This book shows how policymakers in the EU polity have tried to come to terms with it. To explain how they reacted to the crisis domestically and jointly at the EU-level, the study relies on an original method to analyze political processes. It argues that the policy-specific institutional context and the specific crisis situation, defined in terms of asymmetrical problem and political pressure, largely shaped the crisis response. The authors suggest that the way in which the refugee crisis was managed has resulted in conflicts between member states, which have been further exacerbated in subsequent crises and will continue to haunt the EU in times to come. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.

This Element compares crisis-specific policymaking, its causes and consequences, at the two levels of the EU polity during the COVID-19 and the refugee crisis 2015-16. In both crises, EU policymaking responded to exogenous pressure and was dominated by executive decision-making. Still, it also differed in three critical aspects: it was much more salient, consensual, and effective during the COVID-19 than the refugee crisis. The present study accounts for both similarities and differences, which it attempts to explain by features of the nature of the crises. The key argument of the study is that the policymaking process during crises is, to a large extent, determined by the crisis situation - the crisis-specific functional problem pressure, the institutional context (of the EU polity), and the corresponding political pressure at the origin of a given crisis. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.