The Spanish Civil War is one of the most studied events in modern European history. Its origins, that is to say the politics of the Second Republic (1931-1936), have been much debated. The republican period has been much idealised and in particular the myth of Spanish democracy beset by fascism, of which Franco was its leading figure, has been much cultivated. But was this really the case? Recently historians of the Republic have proposed a new and non-ideological perspective on the 1930s. Spain's path was at once different yet in many ways similar to that of Europe during the inter-war period. This book brings together leading and innovative specialists to analyse the main obstacles to the consolidation of democracy in Spain and to debate the principal stereotypes of the traditional historiography of both left and right. The issues addressed include: the breakdown of democracy; whether the CEDA was an opportunity or a threat; the centrist appeal under the Republic; how the elections were viewed and conducted; the transformation of fascism; new revelations about the Communist party; the politics of exclusion at the local level; the perceived necessity for repression; new perspectives on the Civil Guard; the role of intellectuals in the Republic; and revisionism and sectarian history. The book offers a new and dynamic vision of why Spanish democracy failed to consolidate itself and why it finally fell into the terror of civil war. Essential reading for all those interested in modern European history.

The Spanish Civil War is one of the most studied events in modern European history. Its origins, that is to say the politics of the Second Republic (1931-1936), have been much debated. The republican period has been much idealised and in particular the myth of Spanish democracy beset by fascism, of which Franco was its leading figure, has been much cultivated. But was this really the case? Recently historians of the Republic have proposed a new and non-ideological perspective on the 1930s. Spain's path was at once different yet in many ways similar to that of Europe during the inter-war period. This book brings together leading and innovative specialists to analyse the main obstacles to the consolidation of democracy in Spain and to debate the principal stereotypes of the traditional historiography of both left and right. The issues addressed include: the breakdown of democracy; whether the CEDA was an opportunity or a threat; the centrist appeal under the Republic; how the elections were viewed and conducted; the transformation of fascism; new revelations about the Communist party; the politics of exclusion at the local level; the perceived necessity for repression; new perspectives on the Civil Guard; the role of intellectuals in the Republic; and revisionism and sectarian history. The book offers a new and dynamic vision of why Spanish democracy failed to consolidate itself and why it finally fell into the terror of civil war. Essential reading for all those interested in modern European history.

Jose Maria Gil-Robles (18981980) was one of the major protagonists of twentieth-century Spanish politics. He founded the CEDA, the first modern party of the Spanish right, and did so during the Second Republic of 193136, at a critical moment for conservative Catholics opposed to several aspects of the new constitution. He sought to create a new legalist, possibilist right-wing movement that could win at the ballot box and demonstrate its strength in parliament. He achieved a great electoral victory in November 1933, but did not succeed in becoming prime minister. The left considered him a danger to the republican regime. In July 1936, after another election and a tense spring, there was an attempted coup detat, and the Civil War began. This brought a definitive end to party politics and, therefore, to the experience of the CEDA. From that point Gil-Robles lived in Portugal, and did not return to Spain until the 1950s. He supported the Allies during the Second World War, and argued for the restoration of the Spanish monarchy. He also played an important role in inspiring new movements for Christian Democracy. This book is an account of the republican period in the life of Gil-Robles. It is the first thoroughly-researched biography that examines in a balanced, well-documented manner the paramount, though still problematic, contribution he made to the democratization of Spanish conservative politics. It responds to certain crucial questions as to why the CEDA was unsuccessful, and what were the obstacles that it encountered in its attempts to amend the republican system. Equally, it also analyses the manner in which Gil-Robles led the forces of conservatism, one based on tenets that were clearly distant from fascism but equally opposed both to Marxism and liberal individualism.

Tras el final de la Primera Guerra Mundial (1914 -1918) se produce en el mundo un proceso de aceleracion de cambios politicos provocados por las consecuencias traumaticas del conflicto belico que se acaba de cerrar, y que lejos de lograr la paz y la cooperacion entre los pueblos y estados enfrentados en los campos de batalla , supuso un periodo de convulsiones sociales y economicas que llevarian a un nuevo conflicto militar, tambien de caracter mundial , con resultados devastadores para la humanidad. Esta obra en la que participan mas de 20 especialistas universitarios en historia y politica y cuyos textos en diferentes escenarios geopoliticos van acompanados de casi 50 imagenes de la epoca, nos sirve para comprender por que las crisis y conflictos locales vividos por el mundo de entreguerras no fueron episodios aislados entre si, sino el preludio argumental de la gran tragedia global que estaba a punto de estallar al finalizar la decada de 1930.

En esta obra analizaremos los partidos de extrema izquierda con una significativa representacion electoral y/o con una influencia relevante en el sistema politico de cada pais. Esto incluye el analisis de partidos de notable representacion electoral, como Unidas Podemos, y tambien partidos mas pequenos, como los partidos nacionalistas de extrema izquierda en Espana, como Bildu y ERC, que tienen una importante influencia en el sistema politico espanol.

Lo clásico es lo que no se puede hacer mejor. Las democracias de posguerra se rearmaron sobre estos pilares: la aceptación de la economía de mercado, la división de poderes, el reconocimiento del pluralismo y alternancia políticas, un amplio régimen de libertades, el ensanchamiento del Estado social y la cooperación entre sociedades abiertas para preservar la paz. Tras la caída del Muro de Berlín, este consenso fue cuestionado. Bajo el pretexto de la crisis de la representación, corrientes posmarxistas exigieron "más democracia". Posteriormente, la crisis de deuda de 2008 permitió el repunte de movimientos antipolíticos, soberanistas y antielitistas. La (primera) victoria de Trump en Estados Unidos permitió el despliegue de un amplio abanico de títulos sobre el declive de las democracias y el auge de los populismos. La democracia después del populismo no expone las razones que explican la crecida populista. Desde la Filosofía, plantea una defensa de la política y democracia en su sentido clásico y contemporáneo: Ley, representación, participación y verdad. Los populismos ya han penetrado y contaminado las instituciones democráticas. Este libro no se centra en explicar por qué sucedió sino en cómo ocurrió. Desde enfoques propios del análisis político, se analizan los métodos y técnicas que han desplegado las fuerzas antipolíticas para deteriorar nuestro modelo de convivencia. España no es una excepción. Nuestra democracia también ha sido dañada por la retórica, programa, puesta en escena y políticas populistas. Las democracias asisten perplejas a una mutación y desviación; el mundo y las generaciones futuras se encaminan hacia un nuevo paradigma.

The Spanish Civil War is one of the most studied events in modern European history. Its origins, that is to say the politics of the Second Republic (1931-1936), have been much debated. The republican period has been much idealised and in particular the myth of Spanish democracy beset by fascism, of which Franco was its leading figure, has been much cultivated. But was this really the case? Recently historians of the Republic have proposed a new and non-ideological perspective on the 1930s. Spain's path was at once different yet in many ways similar to that of Europe during the inter-war period. This book brings together leading and innovative specialists to analyse the main obstacles to the consolidation of democracy in Spain and to debate the principal stereotypes of the traditional historiography of both left and right. The issues addressed include: the breakdown of democracy; whether the CEDA was an opportunity or a threat; the centrist appeal under the Republic; how the elections were viewed and conducted; the transformation of fascism; new revelations about the Communist party; the politics of exclusion at the local level; the perceived necessity for repression; new perspectives on the Civil Guard; the role of intellectuals in the Republic; and revisionism and sectarian history. The book offers a new and dynamic vision of why Spanish democracy failed to consolidate itself and why it finally fell into the terror of civil war. Essential reading for all those interested in modern European history.

The Spanish Civil War is one of the most studied events in modern European history. Its origins, that is to say the politics of the Second Republic (1931-1936), have been much debated. The republican period has been much idealised and in particular the myth of Spanish democracy beset by fascism, of which Franco was its leading figure, has been much cultivated. But was this really the case? Recently historians of the Republic have proposed a new and non-ideological perspective on the 1930s. Spain's path was at once different yet in many ways similar to that of Europe during the inter-war period. This book brings together leading and innovative specialists to analyse the main obstacles to the consolidation of democracy in Spain and to debate the principal stereotypes of the traditional historiography of both left and right. The issues addressed include: the breakdown of democracy; whether the CEDA was an opportunity or a threat; the centrist appeal under the Republic; how the elections were viewed and conducted; the transformation of fascism; new revelations about the Communist party; the politics of exclusion at the local level; the perceived necessity for repression; new perspectives on the Civil Guard; the role of intellectuals in the Republic; and revisionism and sectarian history. The book offers a new and dynamic vision of why Spanish democracy failed to consolidate itself and why it finally fell into the terror of civil war. Essential reading for all those interested in modern European history.

Jose Maria Gil-Robles (18981980) was one of the major protagonists of twentieth-century Spanish politics. He founded the CEDA, the first modern party of the Spanish right, and did so during the Second Republic of 193136, at a critical moment for conservative Catholics opposed to several aspects of the new constitution. He sought to create a new legalist, possibilist right-wing movement that could win at the ballot box and demonstrate its strength in parliament. He achieved a great electoral victory in November 1933, but did not succeed in becoming prime minister. The left considered him a danger to the republican regime. In July 1936, after another election and a tense spring, there was an attempted coup detat, and the Civil War began. This brought a definitive end to party politics and, therefore, to the experience of the CEDA. From that point Gil-Robles lived in Portugal, and did not return to Spain until the 1950s. He supported the Allies during the Second World War, and argued for the restoration of the Spanish monarchy. He also played an important role in inspiring new movements for Christian Democracy. This book is an account of the republican period in the life of Gil-Robles. It is the first thoroughly-researched biography that examines in a balanced, well-documented manner the paramount, though still problematic, contribution he made to the democratization of Spanish conservative politics. It responds to certain crucial questions as to why the CEDA was unsuccessful, and what were the obstacles that it encountered in its attempts to amend the republican system. Equally, it also analyses the manner in which Gil-Robles led the forces of conservatism, one based on tenets that were clearly distant from fascism but equally opposed both to Marxism and liberal individualism.

Tras el final de la Primera Guerra Mundial (1914 -1918) se produce en el mundo un proceso de aceleracion de cambios politicos provocados por las consecuencias traumaticas del conflicto belico que se acaba de cerrar, y que lejos de lograr la paz y la cooperacion entre los pueblos y estados enfrentados en los campos de batalla , supuso un periodo de convulsiones sociales y economicas que llevarian a un nuevo conflicto militar, tambien de caracter mundial , con resultados devastadores para la humanidad. Esta obra en la que participan mas de 20 especialistas universitarios en historia y politica y cuyos textos en diferentes escenarios geopoliticos van acompanados de casi 50 imagenes de la epoca, nos sirve para comprender por que las crisis y conflictos locales vividos por el mundo de entreguerras no fueron episodios aislados entre si, sino el preludio argumental de la gran tragedia global que estaba a punto de estallar al finalizar la decada de 1930.

En esta obra analizaremos los partidos de extrema izquierda con una significativa representacion electoral y/o con una influencia relevante en el sistema politico de cada pais. Esto incluye el analisis de partidos de notable representacion electoral, como Unidas Podemos, y tambien partidos mas pequenos, como los partidos nacionalistas de extrema izquierda en Espana, como Bildu y ERC, que tienen una importante influencia en el sistema politico espanol.

Lo clásico es lo que no se puede hacer mejor. Las democracias de posguerra se rearmaron sobre estos pilares: la aceptación de la economía de mercado, la división de poderes, el reconocimiento del pluralismo y alternancia políticas, un amplio régimen de libertades, el ensanchamiento del Estado social y la cooperación entre sociedades abiertas para preservar la paz. Tras la caída del Muro de Berlín, este consenso fue cuestionado. Bajo el pretexto de la crisis de la representación, corrientes posmarxistas exigieron "más democracia". Posteriormente, la crisis de deuda de 2008 permitió el repunte de movimientos antipolíticos, soberanistas y antielitistas. La (primera) victoria de Trump en Estados Unidos permitió el despliegue de un amplio abanico de títulos sobre el declive de las democracias y el auge de los populismos. La democracia después del populismo no expone las razones que explican la crecida populista. Desde la Filosofía, plantea una defensa de la política y democracia en su sentido clásico y contemporáneo: Ley, representación, participación y verdad. Los populismos ya han penetrado y contaminado las instituciones democráticas. Este libro no se centra en explicar por qué sucedió sino en cómo ocurrió. Desde enfoques propios del análisis político, se analizan los métodos y técnicas que han desplegado las fuerzas antipolíticas para deteriorar nuestro modelo de convivencia. España no es una excepción. Nuestra democracia también ha sido dañada por la retórica, programa, puesta en escena y políticas populistas. Las democracias asisten perplejas a una mutación y desviación; el mundo y las generaciones futuras se encaminan hacia un nuevo paradigma.