Wang Hui – författare

Challenging both the bureaucratic one-party regime and the Western neoliberal paradigm, China''s leading critic shatters the myth of progress and reflects upon the inheritance of a revolutionary past. In this original and wide-ranging study, Wang Hui examines the roots of China''s social and political problems, and traces the reforms and struggles that have led to the current state of mass depoliticization. Arguing that China''s revolutionary history and its current liberalization are part of the same discourse of modernity, Wang Hui calls for alternatives to both its capitalist trajectory and its authoritarian past.From the May Fourth Movement to Tiananmen Square, The End of the Revolution offers a broad discussion of Chinese intellectual history and society, in the hope of forging a new path for China''s future.

What must China do to become truly democratic and equitable? This question animates most progressive debates about this potential superpower, and inChina's Twentieth Century the country's leading critic, Wang Hui, turns to the past for an answer. Beginning with the birth of modern politics in the 1911 revolution, Wang tracks the initial flourishing of political life, its blossoming in the radical sixties, and its decline in China's more recent liberalization, to arrive at the crossroads of the present day. Examining the emergence of new class divisions between ethnic groups in the context of Tibet and Xinjiang, alongside the resurgence of neoliberalism through the lens of the Chongqing Incident, Wang Hui argues for a revival of social democracy as the only just path for China's future.

What must China do to become truly democratic and equitable? This question animates most progressive debates about this potential superpower, and inChina''s Twentieth Century the country''s leading critic, Wang Hui, turns to the past for an answer. Beginning with the birth of modern politics in the 1911 revolution, Wang tracks the initial flourishing of political life, its blossoming in the radical sixties, and its decline in China''s more recent liberalization, to arrive at the crossroads of the present day. Examining the emergence of new class divisions between ethnic groups in the context of Tibet and Xinjiang, alongside the resurgence of neoliberalism through the lens of the Chongqing Incident, Wang Hui argues for a revival of social democracy as the only just path for China''s future.

Challenging both the bureaucratic one-party regime and the Western neoliberal paradigm, China's leading critic shatters the myth of progress and reflects upon the inheritance of a revolutionary past. In this original and wide-ranging study, Wang Hui examines the roots of China's social and political problems, and traces the reforms and struggles that have led to the current state of mass depoliticization. Arguing that China's revolutionary history and its current liberalization are part of the same discourse of modernity, Wang Hui calls for alternatives to both its capitalist trajectory and its authoritarian past.From the May Fourth Movement to Tiananmen Square, The End of the Revolution offers a broad discussion of Chinese intellectual history and society, in the hope of forging a new path for China's future.

The textbook Chinese Culture and Intercultural Communication, under the guidance of Chinese cultural theory and cross-cultural communication theory, adopts a contrast method to make a cross-cultural comparison between Chinese culture and foreign culture from the perspective of communication, so that students can fully and systematically understand and grasp the many cultural characteristics that affect Chinese communication, further step onto the stage of Chinese education after graduation in the future, and make them more targeted in teaching Chinese language and cultural factors related to Chinese communication for local Chinese learners. The textbook only focuses on the setting of the teaching content of communication. The structure mainly focuses on several aspects that directly affect Chinese communication, such as: human relations, collectivism, face, official status, filial piety, etc., all of which belong to the communicative culture. At the same time, the textbook is designed for content that is not directly related to communication, but has important meanings in the communicative life of Chinese people, such as family and husband and wife relationship, food culture and meals, wedding culture, traditional folk games, festival culture, and so on.

This book has a variety of start-up projects, start-up advice and start-up cases which are suitable for small and medium investors and it also carried out detailed market analysis and gave risk tips for each start-up project.

This remarkable book – the first in-depth examination of the civil liability regime for marine oil pollution damage from a law and economics perspective – examines the efficiency and effectiveness of the regime, with particular attention to whether it is in fact designed in the public interest or merely a distribution of risks and costs among interested parties. The question is asked: does the liability system give the potential polluter incentives to take precautionary measures to avoid pollution or to reduce the possibility of pollution? The international regime on civil liability for marine oil pollution rests on the International Convention on Civil Liability for Oil Pollution Damage (CLC) and the International Convention on the Establishment of an International Fund for Compensation for Oil Pollution Damage (Fund Convention). However, the world’s biggest oil consumer and importer – the United States – has ratified neither, preferring its own Oil Pollution Act of 1990 (OPA), and China – currently the world’s second oil-consuming country – has not ratified the Fund Convention. Thus it is reasonable to compare the three regimes – international, US, and China – as such a comparative study may reveal some advantages or disadvantages among the three systems. Among the issues raised and tackled head-on by the author are the following: whether the contents of international conventions can be considered as the result of the influence of the various interest groups involve; overview of the regulations of marine pollution; technical standards, rules for operation, professional criteria; to what extent a state may take action against trans-boundary polluting activities; what liability a state may incur for non-action or non-effective action; significance for liability of the charter-party, generally considered the evidence of the hire of a ship, and the bill of lading, considered the evidence of the contract of carriage of goods by sea; the crucial role of the so-called ‘International Group’ of 13 Protection and Indemnity (P & I) Clubs, non-profit organizations specializing in liability insurance; the main international players – the International Maritime Organization (IMO), the Comité Maritime International (CMI), and industry organizations such as INTERTANKO and the Oil Companies International Marine Forum (OCIMF); the particular regime on offshore facility pollution liability in the United States; port state control; criminal liability; and EU and other regional initiatives. In addition, a detailed study of the Erika case reveals some of the rationale for many of the persistent features of marine pollution liability regimes. The well-thought-out legal and economic analysis provided in this book, along with its clearly stated policy recommendations and constructive perspectives for future development of the liability system, will be immeasurably valuable to lawyers and policymakers active in this highly visible area of international law.

This remarkable book – the first in-depth examination of the civil liability regime for marine oil pollution damage from a law and economics perspective – examines the efficiency and effectiveness of the regime, with particular attention to whether it is in fact designed in the public interest or merely a distribution of risks and costs among interested parties. The question is asked: does the liability system give the potential polluter incentives to take precautionary measures to avoid pollution or to reduce the possibility of pollution? The international regime on civil liability for marine oil pollution rests on the International Convention on Civil Liability for Oil Pollution Damage (CLC) and the International Convention on the Establishment of an International Fund for Compensation for Oil Pollution Damage (Fund Convention). However, the world’s biggest oil consumer and importer – the United States – has ratified neither, preferring its own Oil Pollution Act of 1990 (OPA), and China – currently the world’s second oil-consuming country – has not ratified the Fund Convention. Thus it is reasonable to compare the three regimes – international, US, and China – as such a comparative study may reveal some advantages or disadvantages among the three systems. Among the issues raised and tackled head-on by the author are the following: whether the contents of international conventions can be considered as the result of the influence of the various interest groups involve; overview of the regulations of marine pollution; technical standards, rules for operation, professional criteria; to what extent a state may take action against trans-boundary polluting activities; what liability a state may incur for non-action or non-effective action; significance for liability of the charter-party, generally considered the evidence of the hire of a ship, and the bill of lading, considered the evidence of the contract of carriage of goods by sea; the crucial role of the so-called ‘International Group’ of 13 Protection and Indemnity (P & I) Clubs, non-profit organizations specializing in liability insurance; the main international players – the International Maritime Organization (IMO), the Comité Maritime International (CMI), and industry organizations such as INTERTANKO and the Oil Companies International Marine Forum (OCIMF); the particular regime on offshore facility pollution liability in the United States; port state control; criminal liability; and EU and other regional initiatives.

Mer världsledande forskning, mer internationalisering, mer mobilitet, mer open access, mer impact, mer humanistiska perspektiv på andra vetenskaper, mer forskningsanknytning i undervisningen. Mer av det mesta, helt enkelt Men hur bör svensk forskning organiseras och finansieras för att åstadkomma allt detta? Frågorna rymmer en rad problem och dilemman. Hur bör fördelningen mellan stora program och små projekt se ut? Ska forskningsansökningar utvärderas med hänsyn till de sökandes tidigare prestationer, exempelvis genom bibliometri, eller utifrån förväntade resultat? Vilken vikt ska fästas vid konkret samhällsnytta? Ska bedömningar i huvudsak ske av andra forskare genom peer review? Hur undviker man i så fall att allt mer av forskarnas tid går åt till att utvärdera andra forskare? Och vilken konkret roll ska forskningen spela i den akademiska undervisningen? På universiteten som helhet? Eller för den delen i politiken? Borde inte forskare i högre grad sprida sina resultat just till beslutsfattare och allmänhet nå ut långt mer än i dag? Numera betalas mer än hälften av svensk universitetsforskning av forskningsfinansiärer som står utanför lärosätena. Här finns statliga myndigheter men också fristående organ. Riksbankens Jubileumsfond (RJ) är en stiftelse som främjar och stöder humanistisk och samhällsvetenskaplig forskning. Denna bok ges ut med anledning av fondens femtioårsjubileum 2015 och är ett försök att tänka vidare i frågor om forskningens framtid.

More world-leading research; more internationalisation; more mobility; more open access; more impact; more arts and humanities perspectives on other disciplines; more research links in teaching; we want more of most things, quite simply But how should Swedish research be organised and funded to achieve all this? The question covers numerous problems and dilemmas. What should be the distribution between major programmes and minor projects? Should research proposals be evaluated with reference to the applicants earlier achievements bibliometrically, for example or to the results expected? How much weight should be given to practical social benefits? Should assessments mainly be done by other researchers (peer review)? If so, how can they avoid spending more and more of their time evaluating other researchers? What specific role should research play in academic teaching? At universities in general? Or in politics, for that matter? Shouldnt researchers, to a higher degree, impart their results to decision-makers and the public with far greater outreach than today? Nowadays, more than half of Swedens university research is paid for by research funders outside the higher education institutions. Such funders include central government agencies, but also independent bodies. Riksbankens Jubileumsfond (RJ), the Swedish Foundation for Humanities and Social Sciences, fosters and supports research in these disciplines. This book, published to mark RJs Golden Jubilee in 2015, is an attempt to think ahead on issues concerning the future of research.

RJ:s årsbok 2015/2016 i två band: svensk och engelsk utgåva. Mer världsledande forskning, mer internationalisering, mer mobilitet, mer open access, mer impact, mer humanistiska perspektiv på andra vetenskaper, mer forskningsanknytning i undervisningen. Mer av det mesta, helt enkelt Men hur bör svensk forskning organiseras och finansieras för att åstadkomma allt detta? Frågorna rymmer en rad problem och dilemman. Hur bör fördelningen mellan stora program och små projekt se ut? Ska forskningsansökningar utvärderas med hänsyn till de sökandes tidigare prestationer, exempelvis genom bibliometri, eller utifrån förväntade resultat? Vilken vikt ska fästas vid konkret samhällsnytta? Ska bedömningar i huvudsak ske av andra forskare genom peer review? Hur undviker man i så fall att allt mer av forskarnas tid går åt till att utvärdera andra forskare? Och vilken konkret roll ska forskningen spela i den akademiska undervisningen? På universiteten som helhet? Eller för den delen i politiken? Borde inte forskare i högre grad sprida sina resultat just till beslutsfattare och allmänhet nå ut långt mer än i dag? Numera betalas mer än hälften av svensk universitetsforskning av forskningsfinansiärer som står utanför lärosätena. Här finns statliga myndigheter men också fristående organ. Riksbankens Jubileumsfond (RJ) är en stiftelse som främjar och stöder humanistisk och samhällsvetenskaplig forskning. Denna bok ges ut med anledning av fondens femtioårsjubileum 2015 och är ett försök att tänka vidare i frågor om forskningens framtid.