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48 produkter
48 produkter
Harvesting Freedom
African American Agrarianism in Civil War Era South Carolina
Inbunden, Engelska, 2004
970 kr
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From early in the Civil War, the Sea Islands of South Carolina set the stage for an exciting experiment in freedpeople's independence. Lowcountry South Carolina is particularly significant, not only for its aristocratic planters and its high profile in the secession, but for the degree of autonomy that the slaves acquired during seasons of absentee proprietorship. No place ever came closer to realizing the dream of Forty Acres and a Mule than this region, and consequently no place saw more vigorous struggles over land possession. Proving to the world their abilities to purchase lands, to organize cooperatives, and to participate in political parties, the African Americans of the lowcountry forged and fought for their own agrarian dreams.A highlight of Sea Island history was the Port Royal Experiment, when northern volunteer missionaries provided education to freedpeople, and General Rufus Saxton actively initiated Sherman's Field Orders commandeering the coast for African American homesteaders. When freedom gave them the chance, this group embraced education and democratic self-rule with abilities that even their supporters underestimated. This is the true story of their triumphs and failures in the struggle to claim the lands on which their forefathers toiled and died.
695 kr
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1 009 kr
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809 kr
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During the years 1947-1952 the Cold War, the anti- communist foreign policy of the U.S. government, and the reassertion by the American Communist party of its allegiance to the Soviet Union, the international communist movement, and a literal Marxist-Leninist ideology gradually gave rise to an anti-communist hysteria and to the repression and persecution of American Communists. Author Peter L. Steinberg shows that both the Truman Administration and the Communist Party were in part responsible for the McCarthy era that followed. Both were reacting to the ideologiical warfare conducted by J. Edgar Hoover. Using his allies in government, Hoover took advantage of the Cold War atmosphere to demand demonstrable action against communists. The Truman Administration responded with a loyalty program that seemed to legitimze the American people's worst fears, leading to demands for further action. The Communist Party's decision to go underground played into the hands of its enemies. Steinberg sees the attack on American communists as a necessary prelude to the demand for patriotic conformity and as a factor contributing to the development of an internal political police.
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Here, is the story of the revolution told from the side of the losers--the Tories or the disaffected--as it took place in Pennsylvania. Their disaffection was largely cause, however, not by loyalty to England and her king, but by local factors within Pennsylvania, such as religious and political divisions, personal antagonisms, and rivalries. This volume traces the development of that opposition as the mother country began to enforce a stricter colonial policy in the 1760s. Ousterhout focuses on the disaffected in the pre-war decade, showing their increasing apprehensiveness about the escalating colonial anti-British measures and their belief that those measures were causing, rather than responding to, the increasingly violent British actions. The volume further explores the punishments and harassments against the disaffected that were administered by local crowds as well as by legal agencies during the Revolutionary period.
Collapse of the Middle Way
Senate Republicans and the Bipartisan Foreign Policy, 1948-1952
Inbunden, Engelska, 1988
675 kr
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The Truman years saw the beginnings of a dramatic shift in the Republican party's approach to foreign policy and a growing congressional commitment to bipartisanship in foreign affairs. Traditional Republican isolationism, expressed in widespread opposition to overseas political commitments such as NATO and the Marshall Plan, gave way to an internationalist Republican sentiment that called for a militant anti-Communist posture and commitment on a global scale. In this new study, Kepley explains how and why a Cold War consensus developed in the Senate, and he explores the implications of that process for the recurrent conflict between the president and Congress over the conduct of foreign affairs.
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This collection of essays examines the development of the American South from the end of the Civil War to the end of World War II. Written by both well-known and emerging scholars, the essays are divided into sections that address some of the major issues of that era, such as race relations, economic development, political reform, the roles of southern women, the messages of folk music, and the problems of the region's historians. Each article offers fresh insights or new information on its subject, and collectively the articles help to illuminate how the most traditional of American regions tried to cope with the forces of modernization.
Southern Frontiers, 1607-1860
The Agricultural Evolution of the Colonial and Antebellum South
Inbunden, Engelska, 1989
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Although many specialized studies have dealt with the colonial and antebellum American South, very little attention has been paid to the Southern agricultural frontiers before 1860. This study focuses on agriculture, the primary economic activity and the single most important factor in shaping the South's colonial and antebellum frontiers. After examining the agricultural economy on the Southern seaboard during colonial times, Otto explains the economic and environmental forces that led to the expansion of upland and lowland agriculturalists across the trans-Appalachian South during the antebellum period.Although many specialized studies have dealt with the colonial and antebellum American South, very little attention has been paid to the Southern agricultural frontiers before 1860. This study focuses on agriculture, the primary economic activity and the single most important factor in shaping the South's colonial and antebellum frontiers. After examining the agricultural economy on the Southern seaboard during colonial times, Otto explains the economic and environmental forces that led to the expansion of upland and lowland agriculturalists across the trans-Appalachian South during the antebellum period. Synthesizing sources drawn from history, geography, anthropology, and folklife, Otto has added an important new dimension to our knowledge of the American South. This book is an appropriate resource for courses or studies in Southern and American history, historical geography, folklife, anthropology, and agricultural history.
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The New Deal remains at the center of the national debate concerning the role and function of government--a controversy that reflects increasingly deep divisions within the American body politic. In an attempt to clarify and reframe the underlying issues, the authors of this book examine the principles, political methods, institutions, and programs that came out of the New Deal and assess their consequences and implications for the future.In the opening chapter, Robert Eden reviews changing public assessments of the New Deal and the questions that remain most divisive. Subsequent authors address specific aspects of the New Deal itself, such as farm programs, and regulatory, bureaucractic, and administrative reforms. Others explore the controversial issues that Roosevelt's political philosophy and programs raised. Among these are constitutional questions, enlightened administration, the presidency, electoral realignment divisions and party politics, and the political significance of the welfare state. The concluding chapter discusses the New Deal legacy in today's Democratic party. Placing contemporary political issues in a broad, constructive framework, this book provides new perspectives on a pivotal episode in modern American history and gives us a deeper understanding of the political, economic, and constitutional challenges we currently face.
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Until telegraph lines spanned the continent in the 1860s, the post office and the press worked together as the most important mechanism for distributing news and public information. Public policy linked these complementary communication agencies; the post office provided free and low-cost news-gathering services for the press as well as subsidized delivery of publications to readers. News in the Mail charts the relationship between the press and post office from colonial times through the Civil War. The book explains why the federal government underwrote the circulation of printed matter and how the postal policies governing public information reflected the cultural tensions of the early and mid-nineteenth century.News in the Mail not only looks at the government's role in disseminating news and promoting communication, but also examines the structure and implications of the early U.S. communication system. This book is a valuable source for those interested in journalism, communications history, the history of federal policies and operations, postal history, and nineteenth-century American social history.
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This is the first book to assess the contribution of Southern agriculture to the Confederate war effort, to describe the damage that agriculture sustained during the war, to analyze the transition from slavery to free labor after the war, and to recount the slow and painful process of rebuilding Southern agriculture by 1880. Synthesizing primary and secondary historical sources, Southern Agriculture During the Civil War Era, 1860-1880 fills a crucial gap in our knowledge about the history of the Civil War and Reconstruction period.
Racism, Dissent, and Asian Americans from 1850 to the Present
A Documentary History
Inbunden, Engelska, 1993
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Drawing from a broad range of articles, speeches, short stories, pamphlets, sermons, debates, laws, public statements, Supreme Court decisions and conventions, this documentary history demonstrates the persistence of a humanist, if not an anti-racist, pulse in American society in the face of discriminatory government policy and prevalent anti-Asian ideology and treatment. Focusing on support for the rights of Japanese and Chinese immigrants and their descendants, the book traces a 130-year period, culminating with the governmental redress for survivors of the Japanese evacuation and internment during WWII. Foner and Rosenberg highlight expressions from the clergy, the labor movement, the abolitionists, and public figures such as Wendell Phillips, Charles Sumner, Frederick Douglass, Mark Twain, John Stuart Mill, Norman Thomas and Carey McWilliams. It includes material never before published showing Black support for Asian rights and demonstrates the consistency of the Industrial Worker of the World's solidarity with Chinese and Japanese-American workers. It is also the first work to give serious treatment to clergymen's efforts against anti-Asian discrimination.After the introduction, Foner discusses law and dissent. The next four sections are devoted to statements by public figures, the views of the clergy, the labor movement and African-Americans. The final section covers relocation and protest. The book provides a valuable contribution to the debates on American dissent in general and against racism in particular, the meaning of American nationality, the criminality of the evacuation and internment of Japanese-Americans during World War II and the immigration policies of the United States government.
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Many books, both popular and scholarly, have examined racism in the United States, but this unique volume is the first to examine the existence of anti-racism in the first two hundred years of U.S. history. Herbert Aptheker challenges the view that racism was universally accepted by whites. His book thoroughly debunks the myth that white people never cared about the plight of African-Americans until just before the outbreak of the Civil War.Covering the period from the 1600s through the 1860s, Aptheker begins with a short introduction and a questioning of racism's pervasiveness, taking examples of anti-racism from the literature. He then devotes sections to sexual relations, racism and anti-racism, to joint struggles to reject racism, and to a discussion of Gregoire, Banneker, and Jeffersonianism. Next he considers inferiority as viewed by poets, preachers, and teachers and by entrepreneuers, seamen, and cowboys. After a consideration of the Quakers, he turns his attention to the American and French revolutions and racism and to the Republic's early years and racism. Aptheker then devotes several sections to Abolitionism and concludes the work with the the Crisis Decade, the Civil War, Emancipation, and anti-racism. This book by a well-known scholar in the field will be of interest to all concerned with U.S. history and African American history.
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An examination of the settlement history of the alluvial bottomlands of the lower Mississippi Valley from 1880 to 1930, this study details how cotton-growers transformed the swamplands of northwestern Mississippi, northeastern Louisiana, northeastern Arkansas, and southern Missouri into cotton fields. Although these alluvial bottomlands contained the richest cotton soils in the American South, cotton-growers in the Southern bottomlands faced a host of environmental problems, including dense forests, seasonal floods, water-logged soils, poor transportation, malarial fevers and insect pests. This interdisciplinary approach uses primary and secondary sources from the fields of history, geography, sociology, agronomy, and ecology to fill an important gap in our knowledge of American environmental history.Requiring laborers to clear and cultivate their lands, cotton-growers recruited black and white workers from the upland areas of the Southern states. Growers also supported the levee districts which built imposing embankments to hold the floodwaters in check. Canals and drainage ditches were constructed to drain the lands, and local railways and graveled railways soon ended the area's isolation. Finally, quinine and patent medicines would offer some relief from the malarial fevers that afflicted bottomland residents, and commercial poisons would combat the local pests that attacked the cotton plants, including the boll weevils which arrived in the early twentieth century.
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This is a comprehensive study of the life of Zebulon Butler, a participant in the French and Indian War, the Revolutionary War, and the intercolonial confrontations known as the Yankee-Pennamite Wars. Butler migrated to Pennsylvania in 1769 and soon became the military and civil leader of the Connecticut settlers in the Wyoming Valley of Northeastern Pennsylvania. During the Revolutionary War, he served in one of the most dangerous theatres of the war—the isolated Susquehanna frontier of Pennsylvania—where the struggling settlers were subject to Indian-Tory attacks and the hostility of the Pennsylvania government. After the war, Butler sought peace with the Pennsylvania authorities and exercised a steadying influence on the Wyoming community. When the longstanding land controversy between Connecticut and Pennsylvania again erupted in civil war and sparked a separate state movement encouraged by Ethan Allen, Butler counseled peace and assisted Timothy Pickering in the establishment of Luzerne County.
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This book explores the complex relationship between anti-Catholicism, or anti-popery to use the contemporary term, and the American Revolution in New England. Anti-Catholicism was among the most common themes in colonial New England culture. Nonetheless, New Englanders entered into an alliance with French Catholics against Protestant Britons during the American Revolution. As New Englanders traditionally associated Catholicism with tyranny and oppression, they were able to extend these feelings to the popish British upon the passage of the Quebec Act. As a consequence, anti-popery helped enable New Englanders to make the intellectual transition that war with Britain required. During the Revolution, anti-popery became less popular as the American rebels relied on Catholic France for aid. By the end of the revolutionary era, Catholics were extended legal toleration in all of the New England states. The book's conclusion explores the change in religious tolerance and the decline of anti-popery with a study of New England's first Catholic parish.
Utopian Experiment in Kentucky
Integration and Social Equality at Berea, 1866-1904
Inbunden, Engelska, 1996
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A major social and educational experiment in race relations was conducted in Berea, Kentucky, from 1866 to 1904. During those years Berea contained a community, school, and church which were all fully integrated: white people, mostly from the Kentucky Appalachian region, and black people, former slaves and their children, from the Blue Grass country, lived, worked, and studied together in an atmosphere designed to foster social equality. Sears demonstrates that integration and social equality among the races are not unrealizable ideals; at Berea in the second half of the 19th century these ideals were lived out in practical terms. The Berea project was killed by state and federal legislation, not by being intrinsically unworkable.
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Utopianism and radicalism achieve greater prominence when economic and social crises render the dominant moral and political universe open to question. The essays in this book examine how utopianism and radicalism informed the literary expressions, political discourse, communal experiments, and cultural projects in the U.S. from 1888 to 1918. In particular, these essays track how socialism, anarchism, syndicalism, feminism, and black nationalism contested the ideological terrain during a period when reform ideas and movements were beginning to reshape that terrain. The degree to which utopianism and radicalism were involved in that reformulation, either in its expanse or its constraint, is of prime interest throughout the book. Teachers and students interested in utopian studies, American studies, and the cultural/intellectual history of the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era will find this book highly useful.
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The Munitions Inquiry, often called the Nye Committee after its chairperson, Senator Gerald Nye, critically examined the pre-World War II military-industrial complex of government agencies, corporations, labor unions, and financial institutions. Cold War-era historians typically presented the inquiry as a naive isolationist search for evil arms dealers who caused wars. Going beyond the concept of the Merchants of Death theory and into the social, intellectual, political, and cultural currents of the 1930s, Coulter expands the dimensions of a topic formerly framed within the narrow confines of isolationism and internationalism. In addition, he shows how the committee's 19th-century values and progressive idealism were unsuited to an era dominated by Hitler and Mussolini. In divesting the Munitions Inquiry of its image as an historical oddity, this book recovers a piece of American history that had been a casualty of World War II and the Cold War.
Eliot Tracts
With Letters from John Eliot to Thomas Thorowgood and Richard Baxter
Inbunden, Engelska, 2003
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The Eliot Tracts collects for the first time a series of 11 documents published in London between 1643 and 1671 that describe missionary work by the British among the Indians in New England. Written by John Eliot, Thomas Shepard, and other intellectual and political leaders among the colonists, these tracts constitute the most detailed and sustained record of missionary activity by the English in the New World in the first century of settlement. They are also one of our richest sources of ethnographic information about the Indians of Southern New England in the 17th century as recorded by the British settlers. In addition to the tracts, the volume contains two letters written by John Eliot that argue for the millennialist significance of the missionary work and so situate the missionaries' project within one of the most important theological debates of the time.The introduction establishes the historical and theological context in which the tracts were written and published. The text of the tracts and letters is that of the original 17th-century publications, including interlinear English/Algonquian translations. Functional variations in relative font size and spacing have been retained to reproduce the visual organization of the original documents, though simplified and regularized across all the tracts to give the volume a visual conformity and coherence. An index allows readers to trace the record of particular towns and individual proselytes and missionaries across the 30 years covered by the tracts, and to follow the contributions of the different authors as they recount their experiences over that period.
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By 1760, with the alleviation of the French threat to the western frontier, colonial fur traders headed west to reap the bounty of trade with the local tribes. However, when dissatisfied French interests conspired to instigate a revolt, the resulting Pontiac Uprising would force the British to rethink colonial trade policy. The fur traders, who had considered the British government their ally in exploiting the west, now saw the British allying themselves with the French and local tribes to keep the colonists out of the region. The prominent merchants who suffered financially and received no compensation would soon come to oppose British rule.The fur trade and land speculation were two driving forces in the westward spread of merchant interests, but the promise of such riches would remain unfulfilled. Regulation of the trade would prove an enormous expense for the British; thus, to avoid the financial burden as well as to remove ill-treatment of the Native Americans as a cause for conflict, the Proclamation of 1763 prohibited settlement west of the mountains. The resulting dissatisfaction among the traders and speculators cost the British the support of colonial merchants. This book is an informative account of the interaction of economic, political, and social concerns on the western frontier.
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Both Herbert Hoover and Franklin D. Roosevelt were giants in public life. From strikingly different backgrounds, and sharply contrasting styles and approaches, each man left his unique mark upon the presidency. This collection of historical materials chronicles the connections between the lives of Hoover and Roosevelt from their early collaboration during the Wilson administration to their heated competition during the 1932 presidential election and beyond. Letters, reports, and telegrams between the two men and their wives tell a story of both communication and miscommunication between 1917 and 1945.In 12 chapters, plus an introduction and a conclusion, the editors present documents which reveal the sometimes tense relations between Hoover and Roosevelt. Chapter one includes materials from their work on housing and homebuilding issues during the Harding and Coolidge administrations. The next two chapters focus upon Hoover's presidency and Roosevelt's rise as govenor of New York. Chapter four recounts the strong rivalry during the 1932 campaign, and that rivalry is even more apparent in chapter five. The remaining six chapters include material from Roosevelt's tenure as president. These documents reveal Hoover's attitudes toward Roosevelt's New Deal domestic policies, the threatening international situation of the 1930s, and U.S. involvement in the Second World War.
Keeping the Faith
Race, Politics, and Social Development in Jacksonville, Florida, 1940-1970
Inbunden, Engelska, 2000
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An examination of the political and economic power of a large African American community in a segregated southern city; this study attacks the myth that blacks were passive victims of the southern Jim Crow system and reveals instead that in Jacksonville, Florida, blacks used political and economic pressure to improve their situation and force politicians to make moderate adjustments in the Jim Crow system. Bartley tells the compelling story of how African Americans first gained, then lost, then regained political representation in Jacksonville. Between the end of the Civil War and the consolidation of city and county government in 1967, the political struggle was buffeted by the ongoing effort to build an economically viable African American economy in the virulently racist South. It was the institutional complexity of the African American community that ultimately made the protest efforts viable.Black leaders relied on the institutions created during Reconstruction to buttress their social agitation. Black churches, schools, fraternal organizations, and businesses underpinned the civil rights activities of community leaders by supplying the people and the evidence of abuse that inflamed the passions of ordinary people. The sixty-year struggle to break down the door blocking political power serves as an intriguing backdrop to community development efforts. Jacksonville's African American community never accepted their second-class status. From the beginning of their subjugation, they fought to remedy the situation by continuing to vote and run for offices while they developed their economic and social institutions.
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Social purity in the anti-slavery tradition, struggled to prevent State-regulated prostitution in the 19th century and neo-regulation in the twentieth. Joining with Mid-Western and Far Western purity reform associations and with the vigilance societies formed to end the traffic in white slaves, the American Purity Alliance left those organizations to join the Rockefeller and physician dominated American Social Hygiene Association. Seen as old lights by Rockefeller, purity reformers and their feminist allies were pushed to the periphery of power. They struggled to maintain the environmental implications of social hygiene, but lost to the eugenic/hereditarian thought that narrowed the movement's implications.This study raises new questions about American feminism, Progressive reforms, public health, and the significance of women's suffrage. Rather than rescuing prostitutes, the movement resulted in their further criminalization, deportation, and detainment. Venereal disease rates, rather than declining as they had in Europe, rose dramatically in the 1920s as a result of policies implemented between 1900 and 1920. Ultimately, the repression of white slave traffic and the closing of the red light districts rivaled or exceeded the scope of Prohibition upon the nation. Pivar provides a comparative perspective often missing in other studies of policy toward prostitution and venereal disease.
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Historians have labeled John Buchanan Floyd a traitor and a coward for his actions during the Civil War, and this view has persisted largely unchallenged. This study reopens the case of this reform-minded Virginia governor and one-time Secretary of War to examine all aspects of Floyd's career. Pinnegar contends that partisan congressional investigations and wild newspaper claims branded Floyd as a traitor to the Union, and that the historical profession's tendency to focus solely on his connections to the Civil War era have ensured that Floyd's reputation was never leavened by the successes of his first fifty years. Pinnegar hopes to demonstrate that charges of malfeasance in office were exaggerated, while prevailing administrative routines were ignored, tactics that result in an unfair portrait of Floyd.Although he was a Unionist, Floyd did consider secession a viable option given the right conditions. This view earned him the label of the most hated southerner in the North. Most of Floyd's personal papers were destroyed in a Union cavalry raid in 1864, making a complete reassessment of his reputation difficult. Pinnegar places Floyd's life in context, explaining the circumstances surrounding the scandals during his years as Secretary of War and chronicling the hardships, successes, and failures of his army command. While Floyd was certainly no saint, this challenge to accepted dogma looks beyond the labels to take the reader closer to the real Floyd.
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Although a poor replacement for a professional military in wartime, the militia embodied a set of ideas that defined attitudes toward social order, civic responsibility, and the nature and relative powers of the government. It was the supreme expression of civic values in a traditional, communal, agrarian village society. Rowe argues that the antebellum militia should be seen as a social and political institution, rather than a military one, and contends that it is a key to understanding the political and social values of early 19th century America. Ultimately, changing social and political values, demographic change and mobility, and finally the dramatic expansion of federal power occasioned by the Civil War would destroy the traditional militia.Because the militia's functions, failures, and meanings were most clearly apparent in new settlements along the frontier, Rowe examines three case studies that represent successive leaps across the Appalachians (Kentucky), the Mississippi (Missouri), and the Great Plains (Washington Territory). The first generation of settlers in Kentucky deliberately built a formal militia organization, in part for self-defense, in part as an explicit ideological and political statement. Despite both pre-existing Franco-Spanish militia and federal attempts to use the Territory in militia reform, American settlers in Missouri created a traditional Anglo-American militia there. A generation later, settlers in Washington Territory attempted to do the same, but the effort dissolved in a bitter controversy over the territorial governor's declaration of martial law.